Référence interne : 2441/9labe9r4se65i789685qj0d3k ; La crise de 2008 a ravivé les doutes sur la croissance et ressuscité le débat sur la stagnation séculaire, initié par Hansen dès 1938. En particulier dans un contexte post-crise de croissance nulle ou très faible, la théorie schumpétérienne a pu sembler dépassée. Pourtant, dans cet article, nous montrons qu'elle demeure un cadre de pensée valide. Nous commençons par rappeler les principaux faits saillants du modèle schumpétérien de la croissance. Nous défendons ensuite l'idée que ce cadre de pensée demeure pertinent sur plusieurs aspects liés à la croissance ; nous nous intéressons plus particulièrement à la stagnation séculaire, aux réformes structurelles et au débat sur les inégalités. Nous montrons qu'à cause de la destruction créatrice, la croissance de la productivité induite par l'innovation est sous-estimée. Par ailleurs, nous expliquons pourquoi le cadre schumpétérien plaide pour une complémentarité entre réformes structurelles et politique macroéconomique. Enfin, nous montrons l'impact positif de l'innovation et de la destruction créatrice sur la mobilité sociale.
Référence interne : 2441/9labe9r4se65i789685qj0d3k ; La crise de 2008 a ravivé les doutes sur la croissance et ressuscité le débat sur la stagnation séculaire, initié par Hansen dès 1938. En particulier dans un contexte post-crise de croissance nulle ou très faible, la théorie schumpétérienne a pu sembler dépassée. Pourtant, dans cet article, nous montrons qu'elle demeure un cadre de pensée valide. Nous commençons par rappeler les principaux faits saillants du modèle schumpétérien de la croissance. Nous défendons ensuite l'idée que ce cadre de pensée demeure pertinent sur plusieurs aspects liés à la croissance ; nous nous intéressons plus particulièrement à la stagnation séculaire, aux réformes structurelles et au débat sur les inégalités. Nous montrons qu'à cause de la destruction créatrice, la croissance de la productivité induite par l'innovation est sous-estimée. Par ailleurs, nous expliquons pourquoi le cadre schumpétérien plaide pour une complémentarité entre réformes structurelles et politique macroéconomique. Enfin, nous montrons l'impact positif de l'innovation et de la destruction créatrice sur la mobilité sociale.
The Lynx UK Trust CIC (the "Trust") is seeking licences to conduct a highly regulated scientific trial, studying the effects of Eurasian lynx on a selected site or sites in Scotland and England. This will involve a time limited trial reintroduction of lynx to those sites in order to observe, measure and analyse the effects of lynx on various aspects of the United Kingdom's social, economic and natural environments. Public consultation is a key element of our trial reintroduction proposal. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Reintroduction Guidelines (the "IUCN Guidelines"), Directive 92/43/EEC Conservation of Natural Habitats, Wild Flora and Fauna (the Habitats Directive) (the "Directive") Article 22 and The Scottish Code for Conservation Translocations (2014) (the "Scottish Code") state that an introduction should only take place after proper consultation with the public concerned. Our consultation process has been designed to address the criteria contained within the IUCN Guidelines and the Scottish Code.
In contrast to arguments that the rule of law is breaking down under globalization, it is argued here that laws & structures associated with economic globalization constitute a rule of law regime in insulating certain key aspects of economic life from political pressure. Principal legal rules for the protection of foreign investment that is intended to freeze out politics are discussed. As an alternative to the neoliberal formulation of property rights & the rule of law, the positions of Weimar legal theorists on the rule of law, the generality requirement, & property rights are discussed. The current rule of law project in the investment regime would serve similar functions to the rule of law in the Weimar Republic. However, attempts to have the rule of law act as a resource of social movements, contesting the influence of dominant capitalists, may fail, as it did in the Weimar constitution. Thus, democratic forms are cautioned against embracing the rule of law at this time. M. Pflum
International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.
International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.
International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.
The subject of this paper is to make closer clarification of the role and the specificities of services in transporting medicine by caring of vulnerable populations, or individuals who are in an emergency condition or critical situations. The field of medical transport presents a few legal questions and challenges. The aim is to research the rate of legal regulation and whether the legal and other regulation should be revised for reasons of achieving better health care of endangered. Issues of performing different types of transport of patients are observed in cases where the transport emergency and when it is not an emergency but is done on the orders of a doctor, be it on intrahospital moving the patient, moving within health facilities, or at home treatment. Each hospital should have a formalized plan for intra- and interhospital transport that addresses: a) pretransport coordination and communication; b) transport personnel; c) transport equipment; d) monitoring during transport; and e) documentation. The transport plan should be developed by a multidisciplinary team and should be evaluated and refined regularly using a standard quality improvement process. Each transport of critically ill patients carries inherent risks. So equally important is a commitment to providing high-quality, compassionate clinical care in a team-based environment with excellent documentation and communication. The results of the legal analysis and the illustrated example from the foreign jurisprudence are that when it comes to transport some of the patients' rights can be suspended under the condition of keeping a medical record properly. The urgency of transport is the reverse of the merits of enjoyment of the corresponding rights. The conclusion is that the regulations Serbia in the field of healthcare under-cover transportation problems of patients. Some amendments to the regulations and draft decisions regarding the current work of emergency services are of more recent date and insufficiently implemented. There is no doubt that groups or individuals in transport deserve a better quality of transport services, as well as the effective protection of the complaints against the department. Developed countries, experiencing and legislation in this regard can be a good model for the Law of Serbia. This is very important because today some aspects of transport, the case of the so-called. air ambulances in the health care, have given international situation.
Background: Conceptualisations of what it means to use evidence in policymaking often appear divided between two extremes. On the one side are works presenting it as the implementation of research findings – particularly evaluations of intervention effect. In contrast stand theoretically informed works exploring the multiple meanings of evidence use, political complexities, and the constructed nature of research evidence itself. The first perspective has been criticised as over-simplistic, while the latter can make it difficult to answer questions of what might be good, or improved, uses of evidence in policymaking. Methods: To further debate, this paper develops a 'programmatic approach' to evidence use, drawing on theories of institutional decision making and empirical work on evidence use within 11 National Malaria Control Programmes in Africa. We apply the programmatic approach by investigating the key goals and tasks of programme officials, recognising that these will shape the routines and logics followed affecting evidence utilisation. We then map out the forms, sources, features, and applications of evidence that serve programme officials in their goals. Findings: In the case of malaria programmes, evidence use was understood in relation to tasks including: advocacy for funding, budget allocation, regulation development, national planning, and identification of information gaps – all of which might require different evidence sources, forms, and applications. Discussion and Conclusions: Ultimately the programmatic approach aims to facilitate clearer understanding of what uses of evidence are appropriate to policymakers, while also allowing critical reflection on whether such uses are 'good' from both programme and broader social perspectives.
The legal status of an organ, in the period between its extraction from the body of a donor and its implantation in the body of a recipient, is unclear. In that period, the excised organ might be said to be orphaned because of its ambiguous custodial and proprietary status, and a host of activities might take place which could jeopardise its safety or viability for transplantation. For instance, what happens if the organ was lost or damaged in transit? Not inconceivably, a thief might snatch the organ from the possession of the transplant team; a transplant surgeon could use the organ for the treatment of their relative or close friend, a celebrity, or an influential political figure, instead of transplanting the organ into the properly selected and designated recipient contrary to the established allocation criteria. The excised organ might be damaged maliciously by a third party, say, an enemy of the proposed recipient who was bent on frustrating the recipient's only means of receiving a life-saving treatment. Further, a live donor might change their mind on donation to the potential recipient after the organ has already been extracted. While these scenarios raise an interesting mix of legal, ethical, political and social questions, a fundamental enquiry that permeates the whole gamut of issues engendered by the hypothetical above is the question of ownership and proprietary entitlement to an excised (orphaned) organ. Accordingly, this article interrogates the question of proprietary control or ownership of an orphaned organ. ; Peer reviewed
A few months after the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian revolts, the satellite news channel Al Jazeera English, broadcasting from the Middle-Eastern region for an international public, launched 'The Stream', presented as "A television show based on a social media community". By integrating the social media into the news production process, The Stream is expected, according to its authors, to transfer the geographic and cultural variety of the internet into a television format. This paper aims to explore how a transnational media like Al Jazeera English uses the convergence between television and social networks to 'give voice' to the changing relations of power and cultural influence between the West and the Rest, particularly through the category of the 'diaspora'. By analyzing some episodes of the program, this paper will look at how in The Stram this term, loaded with historic and cultural meaning in migration studies and media- and postcolonial theory, becomes part of the everyday language of a multi-media community. The article analyzes how the term 'diaspora' is used and transformed within The Stream media environment: as a field for 'social change'; as an element contributing to discussion, democracy, modernization; as a key aspect to elaborate the cultural complexity of contemporary societies. ; A few months after the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian revolts, the satellite news channel Al Jazeera English, broadcasting from the Middle-Eastern region for an international public, launched 'The Stream', presented as "A television show based on a social media community". By integrating the social media into the news production process, The Stream is expected, according to its authors, to transfer the geographic and cultural variety of the internet into a television format. This paper aims to explore how a transnational media like Al Jazeera English uses the convergence between television and social networks to 'give voice' to the changing relations of power and cultural influence between the West and the Rest, particularly through the category of the 'diaspora'. By analyzing some episodes of the program, this paper will look at how in The Stram this term, loaded with historic and cultural meaning in migration studies and media- and postcolonial theory, becomes part of the everyday language of a multi-media community. The article analyzes how the term 'diaspora' is used and transformed within The Stream media environment: as a field for 'social change'; as an element contributing to discussion, democracy, modernization; as a key aspect to elaborate the cultural complexity of contemporary societies.
While Twitter has become an increasingly important platform for public opinion formation, little is known about its use in recent Latin American election campaigns. We therefore investigate the case of the presidential elections in Brazil in October 2014, in order to analyze communication structures in actual and para-social interactions with presidential candidates. In particular, while Twitter makes it easy for ordinary citizens to express their opinion online, it is maybe even more important that they can also address and communicate with persons who would otherwise not be reachable at all. Politicians are probably the most important group in this regard. Based on N = 1,891,657 tweets containing an @mention of a candidate in the Brazilian elections of 2014, we investigate which actual or para-social interactions with the candidates take place. Furthermore, because framing literature suggests that all actors involved in a discussion on social media will try to highlight specific aspects and interpretations of issues and events, we used techniques of co-word analysis to investigate the ways in which the main candidates were framed by the Twitter users. The results give insight into the deliberative potential of Twitter: they show how the candidates are presented to the social media community and thus how this presentation may be reflected in public opinion. ; While Twitter has become an increasingly important platform for public opinion formation, little is known about its use in recent Latin American election campaigns. We therefore investigate the case of the presidential elections in Brazil in October 2014, in order to analyze communication structures in actual and para-social interactions with presidential candidates. In particular, while Twitter makes it easy for ordinary citizens to express their opinion online, it is maybe even more important that they can also address and communicate with persons who would otherwise not be reachable at all. Politicians are probably the most important group in this regard. Based on N = 1,891,657 tweets containing an @mention of a candidate in the Brazilian elections of 2014, we investigate which actual or para-social interactions with the candidates take place. Furthermore, because framing literature suggests that all actors involved in a discussion on social media will try to highlight specific aspects and interpretations of issues and events, we used techniques of co-word analysis to investigate the ways in which the main candidates were framed by the Twitter users. The results give insight into the deliberative potential of Twitter: they show how the candidates are presented to the social media community and thus how this presentation may be reflected in public opinion.
This thesis, meant to be an intercultural comparison of social policy, provides a systematic exploration of institutionalized, free and reduced cost psycho-social counseling concerning general life issues in Bremen and Columbus, Ohio. The main aspects of the comparison are: type and amount of counseling services available, financing, target group, training level of counselors, and access hurdles to the counseling process. The comparison shows significant structural differences that can be traced back to the differing functions of the counseling system in each country. After a detailed description of the current state of both systems a direct comparison of many structural elements of counseling in each city is provided which eventually demonstrates the strengths and deficiencies of each system. The benchmarking process is to show how the effectiveness of the one system could be used as a model for improving the other system. While free counseling services in Bremen are (still) available to all social groups and persons, in Ohio they are available only for those needy who can prove financial need through complicated and extensive procedures. The provision of free general life counseling for all social groups by the general public (country, state or county) does not exist in either country (exept for children and teenagers in Germany). All services provided are based on the initiative of non-profit agencies, many of which, especially in Germany, are linked to the church or religious institutions. It is shown that the system in Ohio, in contrast to that in Germany, is significantly affected by local and state government, especially by the rules and guidelines of the quasi-governmental Community Mental Health Boards (ADAMHs)). At the same time counseling agencies in Ohio are forced to operate almost like a private business in order to stay in the market, be competitive and financially viable. This is unlike any of the agencies in Bremen. That is why there are two main aspects of work in agencies in Ohio: to be efficient and to help those in need; whereas in can be said that in Bremen only the latter is the center of work. In the end the enormous social effect of early psycho-social intervention (maintenance of psychological health and well-being for a wide range of social groups as well as national economic advantages) is demonstrated and linked to the call for acknowledgement of general life counseling as a meaningful method of prevention by those responsible for social policy.
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Beside being a discipline, bioethics is a social phenomenon closely linked to development of democracy, with repercussions on the theoretical field that influences its practice. There is a larger dissemination and incidence of reflection on the bioethical endeavor worldwide and in our country. In this article I will show critically the vitality of bioethics in Mexico in its social dimension and as well as in secular philosophy. I will name briefly, some historical background of the discipline and the creation of mexican institutions advocated to practical and theoretical aspects. Then I shall explain some of the most concern issues to society that constitute a detonator to the pending jobs of philosophical bioethics. I shall concentrate on the laity reflection of philosophers over some items that have affected equally in mexican social awareness and in the fields of medicine theory: AIDS, abortion and euthanasia, and in the biomedicine fields: eugenics and cloning. My main idea is that secular philosophical bioethics affects in different ways the social conscience, nevertheless there is much to do about it. At the end I raise some considerations about certain aspects that in my opinion could shorten distance between theory and practice. ; Además de ser una disciplina, la bioética es un fenómeno social cercanamente relacionado al desarrollo de la democracia, con repercusiones en el campo teorético que influye su práctica. Hay una más amplia diseminación e incidencia de reflexión en el esfuerzo de la bioética a nivel mundial y en nuestro país. En este artículo se muestra críticamente la vitalidad de la bioética en México en su dimensión social así como en la filosofía secular. Se mencionan, brevemente, algunos antecedentes históricos de la disciplina y la creación de las instituciones mexicanas avocadas a los aspectos teóricos y prácticos. Luego, se exponen algunos de los temas que implican una mayor preocupación para la sociedad que constituyen además un detonador para los trabajos pendientes de la filosofía bioética. Se presta especial atención a la reflexión laica de los filósofos sobre los mismos temas que han afectado igualmente en la conciencia social y en el campo de la teoría de la medicina: SIDA, aborto y eutanasia, y en los terrenos de la biomedicina: eugenesia y clonación. La idea central es que la bioética filosófica secular afecta de diferentes maneras la conciencia social, sin embargo hay mucho que hacer respecto de esto. Al final se asientan algunas consideraciones acerca de aspectos que en opinión de la autora podrían acortar la distancia entre la teoría y la práctica.
Los desequilibrios regionales han ocupado un lugar destacado en la definición, de las políticas de acción territorial en los países periféricos. La descentralización se entiende aquí como un paradigma que busca contrarrestar las tendencias desequilibrantes del desarrollo espacial de las localidades en América Latina. En este artículo se desarrollan algunos aspectos polémicos de dicha política centrándose, en cuestionar si realmente el proceso logra alcanzar los objetivos planteados: la democracia social; la participación popular, la justicia social y el desarrollo local Las condiciones que han permitido la emergencia del proyecto descentralizado, en América Latina son también objeto de reflexión as! como la fetichización institucional que subyace a la descentralización; si bien ésta transforma la distribución territorial de la administración del poder no logra modificar las tendencias inherentes al desarrollo capitalista. Esta conclusión permite abordar el análisis de los principales supuestos complementarios de la ideología descentralizadora, tales como la autonomía local; o la posibilidad de un proyecto político de orientación popular las que se encuentran en franca contradicción con las prácticas sociales reales. Es posible afirmar la descentralización no constituye un mecanismo eficaz para el logro del desarrollo local; la democratización social o la participación ciudadana ; Regional unequal distrlbution of incomes have played an important role in the definition of policies for territorial action in periferical countries. De-centralization in comprehended in this essay as a paradigm that aims to contrast the unequal development tendencies of spatial development of Latin-american towns. In the essay the author discusses some polemic aspects on the possibility of reaching the goals that decemralization proposes, goals such as social democracy, popular participation; social justice and local development. Several aspects on decentralization are discussed, such as the condaions that have allowed the emergence of the project and the institutional fetichization that is subjacent to the theory of de-centraliauion: In other words; even thoug decentralization transforms the territorial distribution of administrative power, it does not modify the tendencies inherent to capitalist development. This conclusion allows the anaIysis of complementary suppositions of ideology of de-ceniralization such as the local autonomy or the possibiüty of a popular power oriented to a political project which are definitely contradictory ta real social practices. It is possible to conclude that de- centrallzation is not an ejJicient mechanism to obtain local development, social democracy nor popular participation.
