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Revolutions as historian know I is the brutal forced shift of the political and socioeconomic course of a nation. It changes systems from monarchy to secular democracy, communist to capitals (or the other way round), theocratic regimes into secular and so forth. Revolutions go into decline as humanity proceeded into the 21st century despite the greater means that people have from education to information and communication. The study inspects the key aspects that makes protests fall short from becoming revolutions and the key changes in the political standards that asks an ever increasingly harder to break the ruing system apart. The new systems of governing are based on the separation of power which in one side of the coin ensures that tyrannies will not get hold of ruing but can allow for cluster of political groups to abuse the political and electoral system thus locking up state governance in the hands of a corrupt few, ho would hen through having corruption accusation gets also divided amongst those who share similar powers in the government or parliament. The mentality of the intellectuals in the modern day and age under the influx of consumerisms s well has changed from wanting to change one's own state's political reality into preferring to shift one's life to a different county where the revolutions already succeeded and human rights are celebrated. Extremists, armed or not, who do have the readiness to engage in striking means to reshape the stat's reality in today's world would rather seek to submit to the existing system and influence the ruling system from within. Intelligence agencies and unseen forces did not exist in the past as they do now and are observant tirelessly and studying the societies' attitude to predict and urgency's and address them even before they materialize

The article examines the activities of the Muslim clergy of the North Caucasus in the period between the February and October revolutions of 1917, i. e. of a social group that was at the forefront of political processes in the region. The social boundaries of this group and its role in the life of the peoples of the region of the period under consideration are substantiated. The initiatives of the Muslim clergy concerning changes in the social life of the North Caucasian society are analysed. The evolution of its political line is traced from close interaction with the national intelligentsia, characteristic of the spring of 1917, to claims to the fullness of political power, clearly defined by the summer of 1917. Attention is paid to attempts to implement the idea of creating a theocratic state in the North Caucasus. The lack of political unity among the Muslim clergy is emphasized, the reasons for the deepening of contradictions in the period following the October Revolution of 1917 are explained. The role of this social group in the political processes in the North Caucasus between the February and October revolutions of 1917 is assessed. ; В статье рассматривается деятельность мусульманского духовенства Северного Кавказа в период между Февральской и Октябрьской революциями 1917 г., когда эта социальная группа находилась в авангарде политических процессов в регионе. Обосновываются социальные границы данной группы, ее роль в жизни народов региона в рассматриваемый период. Анализируются инициативы мусульманского духовенства, касающиеся изменений в различных сферах жизни северокавказского социума. Прослеживается эволюция его политической линии от плотного взаимодействия с национальной интеллигенцией, характерного для весны 1917 г., до претензий на полноту политической власти, явственно оформившихся к лету 1917 г. Уделяется внимание попыткам воплощения идеи создания на Северном Кавказе теократического государства. Подчеркивается отсутствие политического единства в среде мусульманского духовенства, объясняются ...

Upaya Uni Eropa dalam menekan kekerasan yang terjadi di Burundi pada tahun 2015 hingga 2016 Penelitian ini memiliki tujuan untuk menjabarkan upaya yang dilakukan oleh Uni Eropa untuk menekan kekerasan yang terjadi di Burundi pada tahun 2015 hingga 2016 dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. Pemilihan umum yang dilaksanakan oleh Pemerintah Burundi pada tahun 2015 memicu terjadinya demonstrasi yang berujung pada tindak kekerasan di Burundi. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep bantuan luar negeri dan political conditionality untuk menjelaskan upaya yang dilakukan oleh Uni Eropa dalam menekan kekerasan yang terjadi di Burundi. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa Uni Eropa menggunakan bantuan luar negeri dan political conditionality yang terdapat pada bantuan tersebut sebagai upaya untuk menekan kekerasan yang terjadi di Burundi pada tahun 2015 hingga 2016. Uni Eropa menggunakan dimensi carrot and stick yang ada pada bantuan luar negeri sebagai upaya untuk menekan kekerasan yang terjadi di Burundi. Kata Kunci: Uni Eropa, Bantuan Luar Negeri, Political Conditionality ; Efforts made by European Union in order to suppress the violence events of Burundi in 2015 until 2016 This research has the purpose to describe the efforts made by the European Union in order to suppress the violence events of Burundi in 2015 until 2016 using a qualitative method. The election that was held by the Burundian Government in 2015 triggered a demonstration that ends up in the events of violence in Burundi. This research uses the concept of foreign aid and political conditonality to describe the efforts made by the European Union in suppressing the violence events in Burundi. This research found that the European Union used their foreign aid and the political conditionality attached to the foreign aid as an effort to suppress the violent events of Burundi in 2015 until 2016. European Union also uses the carrot and stick dimension of foreign aid as an effort to suppress the violence events that happened in Burundi. Keywords: European Union, Foreign ...

The younger generation is aware that politics is an investment for the development of a nation in the future. This is because the younger generation is the spearhead of change in a nation. Today, the development of the times has led us to an era of disruption in which all changes occur erratically in all basic aspects of life, so that they cannot predict future political developments. This study aims to describe political education that is in accordance with the characteristics of generation Z in the midst of the era of disruption to create political awareness in generation Z. The research approach used is qualitative with descriptive methods. The results of this study indicate that generation Z is a critical generation and has high adaptability but related to politics cannot use conventional methods to be able to teach about political education to generation Z in this era of disruption. The approach taken must be based on technology that is close to their daily lives, especially by developing content on social media in addition to conventional education. This is to attract the interest of Generation Z to the world of politics so that they can continue the nation's leadership relay in the future.Keywords: Political Education, Generation Z, Era of DisruptionGenerasi muda sadar politik merupakan investasi bagi perkembangan suatu bangsa di masa depan. Hal ini dikarenakan generasi muda merupakan ujung tombak perubahan suatu bangsa. Dewasa ini perkembangan zaman mengantarkan kita pada era distrubsi dimana segala perubahan terjadi tidak menentu dalam semua aspek kehidupan yang mendasar, sehingga tidak dapat memprediksi perkembangan politik masa depan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendiskripsikan pendidikan politik yang sesuai dengan karakteristik generasi Z di tengah era distrubsi untuk mewujudkan kesadaran politik pada generasi Z. Pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan metode diskriptif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa generasi Z merupakan generasi yang kritis dan memiliki daya ...

The common notion that financial crises pose serious threats to autocratic regime stability has been challenged over the last decades both on theoretical and empirical grounds by the extensive number of authoritarian regimes that seem to be absolutely impervious to financial and economic shocks. So, why do financial crises only sometimes lead to autocratic regime collapse? What mechanisms do (de)stabilize authoritarian regimes during financial crises? And under what conditions is autocratic regime breakdown likely to happen? This dissertation addresses these questions by bringing together insights from the democratization, comparative autocracy, and political economy strands of research. It argues that the relationship between financial crises and autocratic regime breakdown is highly conditional, and depends on a complex interplay of economic and political factors. In three standalone papers, this dissertation scrutinizes the entire process of crises induced autocratic regime instability and regime collapse, and examines the effects of different economic and political factors on the probability of autocratic regime survival and collapse during specific types of financial crises. The key findings of this dissertation demonstrate that the destabilizing effects of financial crises may vary by crisis type, that in response to financial crises, policymakers in autocracies can implement crisis policies that prolong authoritarian rule, and that institutions by which autocracies govern may immunize them from political risks during financial crises, or, by contrast, may precipitate elite defection and regime collapse. Overall, this dissertation provides many new theoretical and empirical insights into the sources of autocratic regime survival and breakdown during financial crises. It also provides one more evidence that economic and political problems do not exist in isolation from one another, rather they are linked together in complex networks of weirdly tangled cause-effects relationships, which we do not yet fully ...

Is anything in common between Nehru's, Indira's, Gandhi's and Modi's communication strategy? All the four political leaders have been taller than the parties they led. All of them dominated the political discourses of their times. All of them used main stream media of their times to pitch their policy decisions. All of them made iconic fashion statements. Indira's saree swag, Gandhi's love for Khadi, Nehru's jacket and Modi's half sleeves Kurta- set them apart from the crowded league of the politicians of their respective eras.If we further broaden the horizon of comparison, rhetoric seems to have yielded rich dividends for a number of Indian political leaders. If Lal Bahadur Shastri will be remembered for "Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan"; "Tum mujhe khoon do, mai tumhe azadi doonga" will evoke the visuals of Subhash Chandra Bose; "Swaraj Mera Janmsiddh adhikar Hai" will trigger the thoughts of Bal Gangadhar Tilak; "Bharat Chhoro" will put in the forefront the ideology that Mahatma Gandhi epitomized. On similar lines, Indira Gandhi's "Garibi Hatao, Desh bachao" immortalized her. The Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be remembered for a number of slogans and hashtags (#) coined and released through various social media handles. #MannkiBaat, #SwachBharatAbhiyaan, #MadeinIndia, #Atmnirbharbharat, #SkillIndia, #AzaadikaAmritmahotsav, #ParikshaPecharcha, #Examwarrior, #NaMo, #Vocalforlocal, #HarharModi,GharGharModi, #Chaipecharcha are some top recall taglines Narendra Modi will be associated with. So, is political communication/marketing all about generating top recall punchlines and delivering them with effervescence? The current paper undertakes a thematic analysis of 111 social media posts of Narendra Modi between March 2021 to Oct 2021, from Facebook (https://www.facebook.com/narendramodi/) and Twitter (https://twitter.com/narendramodi) handles using NVivo. On the political front, assembly elections in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Puducherry and Assam; Farmer's Protest and Covid were the key highlights of the ...

importance of the study is to highlight an aspect in which the study is almost limited, as the research is based on tracing the dialectic of political recognition in modern iraqi poetry, which in turn represented a distinct experience in the iraqi poetic space ; because it carries a deep human voice for a self that represented life with all its negative and positive contradictions, the poetic political recognition constituted a fertile field based on the demolition of the barrier of fear and hesitation by breaching the wall of the sacred taboo, which is represented by a person's sense of authority in the supreme realm. normal to penetrate its air ; because it belongs to the authority at the head of the government, which represents the striking force of its opponents and critics, and for everyone who disagrees with it in opinion and ideology, and at the same time, political recognition has produced a key to revealing the locks of the psychological poetic self, and the introspection of its secrets, its silences, and the special visions it holds. and ideas. We have concluded that it is necessary to present the research with an introduction in which we define the concept of recognition within its linguistic and literary dimension, as it is the theme that we are looking for in the product of modern poets in Iraq. Then the research proceeds to reveal the manifestation of political recognition by diving into the textual body and revealing the confessional connotations armed with suggestion, symbol, or diagnosis, or relying on special codes and signs that reveal the nature and significance of recognition; This is in an effort by the poetic self to expose the repressive political methods that the Iraqi people have suffered for many years, and to reveal the twisted ways that the authorities use to falsify and obscure the facts.

Research purpose – to analyze V. Zelensky's inaugural address to identify technologies of hidden influence on mass consciousness.Research methodology. In the article, we applied methods of linguistic analysis of the text, synthesis and also descriptive and structural-semiotic ones.Results. Inaugural addresses are an integral part of political activities of state leaders. Such texts aim to the image building of a new manager and stand out by methods of a potential influence on mass consciousness. In the research, the essence and specificities of an inaugural address as a separate genre of political speech are described. It has been discovered that the technologies of manipulation involved in the inaugural address of the President of Ukraine V. Zelensky are based on the actualization of archetypes, the use of automatisms, mechanisms of social control, the appeal to the values and emotions of the audience. We have proved the complex nature of the mechanisms of the latent influence. Among those mechanisms, image building of the head of state has been a key one. There is a characteristic of revealed techniques: use of with contrast, «transferring a positive image», «anchoring technique», truisms, «just like the rest of us», etc.Novelty. The presented classifications of manipulative technologies are analyzed and the complex analysis of the techniques of the latent influence used in V. Zelensky's inaugural address is filed. These latter are specific psychological techniques embodied in the text through the linguistic means.Practical implications. The results of our research illustrate an indicative application scheme for manipulative technologies, that can be adopted as a basis of new political speeches. The article indicates the potential of linguistic expressive means combined successfully with psychological and other methods of influence and can become an example of a rational approach to political communication for understanding the meaning of a particular text.Key words: political communication, inaugural address, ...

The incorporation of Bukovina into the Kingdom of Romania set the political leaders of the Romanians of Bukovina the task not only of rebuilding the region after World War, but also of finding consensus in their actions aimed at creating a new country. The desire to preserve the special features and inherent institutions of the region from the Austrian era gave rise to confrontation between Yanku Flondor and Ion Nistor which was reflected in the publications of the Bukovina press. The aim. The aim of the article is to introduce into scientific circulation information on the confrontation between two Romanian political groups in Bukovina and its coverage in the Bukovina press. Research methods. In the publication used a synchronous approach and special historical methods. In particular, we used to study the situation comparative, problem-chronological methods, synchronous. the latter allows us to trace the sequence in the context of political changes in Bukovina, the evolution of the opposition's views, its search for ways to influence the population of the region. the application of the synchronous method makes it possible to establish and monitor the reaction of the opposition and pro-government to the actions of the opposite party. The scientific novelty. The scientific novelty of this article is to cover for the first time in Ukrainian historiography the confrontation between two representatives of the Romanian political camp in Bukovina and its reflection in the publication of the opposition group of Yanku Flondor to the government group. Conclusions. In general, the use of the Bucovina newspaper in the political life of the region should be considered a manifestation of the activities of a group of politicians who considered it their task to preserve the status quo of Bukovina as part of the Kingdom of Romania. In their activities, they used the norms and techniques known since the development of the national movement in the late nineteenth – early twentieth century. However, the forms of protest did not ...

We propose an analysis of the complex relationships between labor conflicts and political contexts. In their postimetries, the Franco´s dictatorship generated and entrenched conflicts, giving them an inevitable political dimension. The Transition was a way for the social pact, which lowered the polítical meaning or changed its senses. The economic crisis created emergencies that the dictatorship couldn't resolve, but democracy neutralized, thanks to the neutralization of the political content of labor conflicts. The worker's protest in the convulsive years of industrial reconversion reached episodes of considerable virulence, but it lacked politically destabilizing effects. A cycle of general strikes between the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s turned the unions into major players in defining social policies, before their strength clearly declined in the following years. Apart from the general context it is the political context that gives meaning to social mobilization ; Planteamos un análisis de las complejas relaciones entre conflictividad laboral y contextos políticos. En sus postrimerías, la dictadura franquista generaba y enquistaba conflictos, confiriéndoles una inevitable dimensión política. La Transición fue una vía para el pacto social y ello representaba una rebaja de la carga política de la conflictividad laboral o bien le confería otro sentido. La crisis económica creaba urgencias que la dictadura no podía resolver, pero la democracia sí, gracias a la neutralización del contenido político de los conflictos laborales. La contestación obrera en los convulsos años de la reconversión industrial alcanzó episodios de considerable virulencia, pero carecía de efectos políticamente desestabilizadores. Un ciclo de huelgas generales convocadas en el final de los ochenta y comienzo de los noventa, convirtió a los sindicatos en actores de primera magnitud en la definición de las políticas sociales, antes de que su fuerza entrase en claro retroceso en los años siguientes. Aparte del contexto ...

It is an old concern in public and academic debates that people are not interested in European‐level issues, and even European Parliamentary election campaigns, which are the main democratic tools of the European Union (EU) to involve ordinary people into political decision‐making, are mostly about national‐level political topics. Moreover, even when European issues emerge, the context of its discussion is often harmful to European integration and strengthens the per‐ ceived importance of domestic politics. In the age of social media, however, users' content preferences may significantly affect the presence of different political levels in political campaigns, but these preferences are still largely uncovered in academic literature. To fill this gap, we investigate the direct and moderated effects of European‐focused Facebook posts on user engagement drawing upon a content analysis dataset including 9,688 posts of 68 parties from 12 EU countries. In line with the well‐known second‐order election hypothesis (Reif & Schmitt, 1980) we hypothesize a negative direct main effect. However, we also assume that this effect is moderated by several content‐, and party‐level factors, and when people engage with European‐level contents they do it with those ones that are posted by populist parties, focused on a few divisive hot topics, and are framed with a negative tone. Moreover, we expect cross‐country differences. We find that on the whole, user engagement with national‐level political content prevails over the European‐level, but in some countries there are no remarkable differences in user engagement patterns of the two levels. While our findings mostly confirm the second‐order election hypothesis, they also demonstrate that European politics can spread within social media platforms in a less divisive and negative way than we expected. European‐focused posts do not perform better when they are posted by populist parties, focused selectively on the salient issues of immigration or environment, or framed in a negative way.

Darjeeling lies in the Eastern Himalayan Region, one of the highest rainfall receiving regions in India. But, the communities have been facing water scarcity for decades perpetuating extreme inequalities in the form of water injustice; realities of these everyday sources of harassment and crisis are obscured within 'larger political questions.' The Darjeeling Himalaya has historically been a site of multiple political disruptions over the demands of creating Gorkhaland, a separate State from the State of West Bengal, within India. In this paper, I examine the informal nature of water supply as an outcome of insufficient developmental processes and malgovernance furthered by the marginal condition of the region. The extensive presence of informal systems and their intertwining with the formal, the pseudo-municipality systems, and the over-dependence on community organizations spell out the inability or unwillingness of the state towards alleviating the water scarcity. This also highlights the ingenuity of the local suppliers and communities as the chance taken by for profit or as forms of survival. Among households, everyday marginalization is visible through activities of water acquisition from a plethora of water suppliers and disconnections from the state supplies due to legality of residence and being, and social and spatial differentiation—both underpinned by their social and political status. With the Darjeeling Municipality being my 'site' of study, I lay bare its waterscapes to highlight the determinants of informal water vendors. Adding to existing rich literature on the region, this paper explores marginalization foregrounding issues of everyday practices of malgovernance, corruption, and red-tapism that defines the political spaces of the Hills. In doing so, it is my purpose to argue that economic, underdevelopment, and governance are not separate from but are an integral part of the 'identity crisis' that defines the socio-political and historical realities of the Darjeeling Hills.

Objective: this paper aims to discuss development practices through the presentation of two case studies from Latin-American contexts. This reflection was done during the first months of the COVID-19 pandemic. Post-development perspectives were mobilized to explore new analytical dimensions in the epistemological and socio-political critique of the capitalist mode of appropriation of nature in América Latina and their potential implications amid the Covid-19 pandemic. Methodology: two study cases from Brazil and Costa Rica were elaborated. The qualitative methodological framework used to identify actors and their complex interactions became a useful tool in reconstructing different socio-political expressions, symbolic narratives, and survival/resistance strategies emerging from local groups. Results: social-environmental crisis emerging in the Anthropocene context suggest the need for different points of view and ontological turns to gain a better understanding of social change occurred in the margins of in the Western world. Latin-American societies are multiple and diverse. Both, Brazilian and Costa Rican experiences discussed in this paper, represent situated realities which cannot be generalized, but this is a rather important and critical issue. These case studies help illustrate how the non-critical adoption of hegemonic categories of sociotechnical control and securitization is inadequate to understand and explain the contingency emerging from these situated realities. Conclusions: we suggest in the final part of the paper that these reflections contribute to bring a different perspective on how science, political and nature converge in knowledge systems and how these systems are contested for different people, groups, and communities around the world. This reflection is crucial to the study of processes concerned with political legitimacy, democracy, and territorial political identities. ; Objetivo: o objetivo deste trabalho é gerar uma discussão sobre duas práticas de desenvolvimento acontecidas no ...

Since its founding, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine (CCU) has been an integral part of the judiciary and has been an integral part of the unified justice system. After the transformations of 2016, which underwent the Basic Law of Ukraine, the institutional position of the CCU in the system of public authorities has acquired a completely new format. And, as it turns out in practice, the legal status of the CCU is quite difficult to define and articulate. One of the major conceptual changes affecting the institutional status of the CCU was the deprivation of its exclusive role as the sole body of constitutional jurisdiction in Ukraine. The paper reveals deviations from the imperative provisions of Article 5 of the Constitution of Ukraine in matters of the procedure for changing the constitutional order. The negative factor of depriving the CCU of its institutional affiliation with the judiciary significantly limits the application of guarantees of independence and relevant standards for the judiciary. The transformation of the CCU from a judicial body into a "political" one, but with an uncertain constitutional and legal status, opens unlimited opportunities for political "players" to influence the legal positions and independence of both its individual members and the body as a whole. It was found that the transformation of the CCU from a judicial body into a "political" one, but with an uncertain constitutional and legal status, opens unlimited opportunities for political players to influence the legal positions of individual members and the body as a whole. Violation of the foundations of the separation of powers, as the basic algorithm of modern constitutionalism, will inevitably lead to a crisis of public administration and the political system. Therefore, today we need to look for legally correct and balanced ways to eliminate this systemic error and restore the legal constitutional order of Ukraine.

The presented articles analyze the foreign policy concepts of Polish political emigration after the Second World War, which were published and discussed in the columns of the literary and political magazine "Culture". The founder and editor-in-chief of the magazine was a Polish emigrant figure: journalist and publicist, public intellectual Jerzy Giedroyc, and the literary and political magazine "Culture" was published in Paris between 1947 and 2000. Playing an important role in Polish literary life, the magazine also became a lively discussion platform on the future of Europe, in particular, the future of Polish-Ukrainian interstate and interethnic relations. In fact, J. Giedroyc, together with his friend and colleague J. Myroszewski, created, substantiated and developed the idea of recognizing Poland's post-war eastern borders and reconciling Poles with Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians. Another important component of the Polish foreign policy concept was the thesis that a free Poland could not exist without a free Ukraine. This concept of Poland's foreign policy was not perceived in the 50s and 70s of the twentieth century by either Polish political emigrants or the politicians of the Polish People's Republic. However, after the victory of Solidarity in the 1989 Polish elections and the formation of a new post-communist government, the independent Republic of Poland took the ideas of J. Giedroyc and J. Myroszewski as the basis of its foreign policy towards Ukraine. The process of shaping Polish foreign policy since 1989 has been quite complex and controversial, as from the very beginning it was necessary to develop a clear position on the changes taking place in the West and, more importantly, in the East. The crisis, and later the collapse of the USSR, put on the agenda of the Polish political elite the need to approach the formation of a new foreign policy of the Third Commonwealth with special attention. Therefore, the main goal of the new Eastern policy was to respond to the changes taking place abroad.