Suchergebnisse

Since 2015 the European Union has begun development of modern energy strategy - the Energy Union Policy, while Ukraine implemented the Second Energy Package (2003–2009) only in 2013 and has not gone ahead with the Third Energy Package (2009–2014) yet, thus lagging behind the European energy direction of at least 10 years. The only chance for Ukraine to make up for lost time is the change in a passive stand and transition to active participation in discussions of the latest EU energy policy and its further implementation in cooperation with the European Union. Therefore I would like to start exploring the Energy Union Policy. In this article we just try to consider the prerequisites for the Energy Union, provide a brief overview of the new EU energy strategy - Energy Union Policy and understand whether Ukraine has the prospects to join this political initiative. ; Вначале 2015 года Европейский Союз (ЕС) занялся формированием и внедрением новейшей энергетической стратегии – политики Энергетического Союза, в то время как Украина только в 2013 году имплементировала Второй Энергетический пакет (2003–2009 г.г.) и до сих пор не приступила к реализации Третьего Энергетического пакета (2009–2014 г.г.), таким образом отставая от европейского энергетического курса как минимум на 10 лет. Возможно, единственный шанс для Украины наверстать упущенное время усматривается в изменении пассивной позиции и переход к активному участию в обсуждении новейшей энергетической политики ЕС и ее дальнейшая имплементация совместно с Европейским Союзом. Поэтому хотелось бы приступить к ознакомлению с политикой Энергетического Союза. В этой статье мы как раз и попробуем рассмотреть предпосылки для создания Энергетического Союза, предоставить краткий обзор новой энергетической стратегии ЕС – политики Энергетического Союза и понять имеет ли Украина перспективы присоединиться к этой инициативе. ; З початку 2015 року Європейський Союз (далі – ЄС) розпочав розбудову новітньої енергетичної стратегії – політики Енергетичного Союзу, в той час як Україна лише у 2013 році імплементувала Другий Енергетичний пакет (2003-2009 рр.) та до цього часу не приступила до реалізації Третього енергетичного пакету (2009– 2014 р.р.), відстаючи таким чином від європейського енергетичного курсу щонайменш на 10 років. Чи не єдина можливість для України надолужити згаяний час вбачається в зміні пасивної позиції та перехід до активної участі в обговоренні новітньої енергетичної політики ЄС та її подальша імплементація спільно з Європейським Союзом. Тому хотілося б розпочати ознайомлення з політикою Енергетичного Союзу. В даній статті ми як раз і спробуємо розглянути передумови для створення Енергетичного Союзу, надати стислий огляд нової енергетичної стратегії ЕС – політики Енергетичного Союзу та зрозуміти чи має Україна перспективи приєднатися до цієї ініціативи.

Abstract
This paper surveys the history of the United States policy towards European integration from 1945 up to 1968 before President Nixon came into office. Drawing on a detailed analysis of the documents mostly obtainable from the official websites of the US Department of State, the US National Archives, and the EU Historical Archives, the paper argues that it was the European geopolitical and economic context after the Second World War and the United States national interests which moulded this country's pro-European integration policy. Thus, the paper will begin with an analysis of the search for global influence between the United States and the Soviet Union before examining how the United States redefined its core interests in recognition of the Soviet threat. Then, it will explore the role that the United States played in reconstructing Western European economy and defending it physically. Also, it is argued that the United States and Western Europe took concerted action together to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC or Euratom), the very first supranational institutions which have made the European integration process irreversible. It will be concluded that the vitality of the European integration project depended on US economic and political capital for its success.

Many authors have underlined that processes of Europeanisation of education emerge despite the European Union's lack of formal power in this matter. We would like to argue, in contrast, that this alleged lack of power is precisely what enables the EU to open up a range of possibilities for its implication in the domain of education. The paper focuses on the Open Method of Coordination in education as an instance where a "European space of education" (Dale, 2009; Lawn, 2011) emerges. Now baptised Education and Training 2020, the OMC in education is inherently ambiguous: it is meant to belong to the political field, yet lacks many of the characteristics one would expect to detect in political arenas. Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick, Mangez, & Ozga, 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main technologies of governance analysed in these cases are indicators and benchmarks, which give form to the European education space through the creation and accumulation of statistical data, leading to the comparison and the ranking of Nation States' performances. Using interviews with key actors, direct observations and document analysis, our paper calls for a broadening of the analysis of the political forms that emerged within the European governance of education. Our objective is to complement the analysis of the quantitative side of the European governance with an analysis of the qualitative political learning processes at work within the ET2020 working groups. We show how the informal character of the ET2020 working groups operates not as an obstacle but rather as a resource for their development (Kjaer, 2010). The distance that separates them from more formal circuits of decision-making actually facilitates discussions and, potentially, strengthens the ability of their members to engage in processes of "learning by meeting" (Freeman, 2008). Against this background, this paper argues that, next to the more formal political sphere and next to the quantitative governance mechanisms that benchmarks and indicators are, these informal groups and their cognitive processes play a diffuse and complementary role in the development of the European space of education.

Many authors have underlined that processes of Europeanisation of education emerge despite the European Union's lack of formal power in this matter. We would like to argue, in contrast, that this alleged lack of power is precisely what enables the EU to open up a range of possibilities for its implication in the domain of education. The paper focuses on the Open Method of Coordination in education as an instance where a "European space of education" (Dale, 2009; Lawn, 2011) emerges. Now baptised Education and Training 2020, the OMC in education is inherently ambiguous: it is meant to belong to the political field, yet lacks many of the characteristics one would expect to detect in political arenas. Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick, Mangez, & Ozga, 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main technologies of governance analysed in these cases are indicators and benchmarks, which give form to the European education space through the creation and accumulation of statistical data, leading to the comparison and the ranking of Nation States' performances. Using interviews with key actors, direct observations and document analysis, our paper calls for a broadening of the analysis of the political forms that emerged within the European governance of education. Our objective is to complement the analysis of the quantitative side of the European governance with an analysis of the qualitative political learning processes at work within the ET2020 working groups. We show how the informal character of the ET2020 working groups operates not as an obstacle but rather as a resource for their development (Kjaer, 2010). The distance that separates them from more formal circuits of decision-making actually facilitates discussions and, potentially, strengthens the ability of their members to engage in processes of "learning by meeting" (Freeman, 2008). Against this background, this paper argues that, next to the more formal political sphere and next to the quantitative governance mechanisms that benchmarks and indicators are, these informal groups and their cognitive processes play a diffuse and complementary role in the development of the European space of education.

In this paper, we examine stationarity properties of data on budget deficits for a cluster of twenty-seven developing countries (D-27) for the period spanning 1970 to 2003. It has been argued in the literature that this statistical property correlates well with the economic property of sustainability of the budget deficit. The univariate unit root tests indicated a non-stationary process of I(1) with the exception of three countries. However, the non-stationary properties were rejected when the panel unit roots procedures were adopted. Since panel procedures provide greater power, the statistical evidence favors stationarity. This in turn suggests that budgets deficits in our sample of countries are sustainable, an important conclusion with many real world economic implications. The conflict between single country results and panel results suggests that univariate procedures may lead to the wrong conclusions.

The article will put forward a proposal for a paradigmatic change that aims to 'humanize' solidarity by moving away from a concept of state-centred solidarity to a concept of solidarity centred on the individual. It will demonstrate how the application of the principle of mutual recognition in the field of positive asylum decisions – accompanied by full equality and access to the labour market for refugees across the European Union – can play a key role in achieving this paradigmatic change. The relationship between solidarity and mutual recognition will be analysed in four steps: by exploring the parameters of the principle of solidarity as currently expressed in European refugee law; by examining the development of state-centred solidarity in secondary European refugee law as articulated by the Dublin system; by critically evaluating attempts to contain state-centred solidarity in the Dublin system via imposing fundamental rights limits to automatic mutual recognition; and by examining ways in which the recognition of positive asylum decisions throughout the European Union can act as a catalyst for a paradigmatic change leading to a model of solidarity that is centred on the refugee.

We study the main determinants of international trade flows in goods between Ukraine and the EU-28 member states in the period 1995-2017. We estimate the augmented gravity model of international trade with robust Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Poisson (PPML), and PPML with fixed effects too estimate trade elasticities for total trade, exports and imports functions. The regression results are used to recommend trade policy makers on the implementation of the EU Association Free-Trade Agreement with Ukraine. The main findings reveal that, the income of Ukraine, the income of the EU-28 trading partners, distance but also income differences between Ukraine and its trading partners (Linder hypothesis), and the real exchange rate are important determinants of international trade. These results are robust to different trade specification functions of the augmented gravity model of international trade. ; Darbe analizuojami pagrindiniai tarptautinių prekybos srautų veiksniai tarp Ukrainos ir Europos Sąjungos (ES) valstybių nuo 1995 iki 2017 metų. Gravitacinis prekybos modelis nagrinėjamas, naudojant paprastųjų mažųjų kvadratų (OLS) ir Poisson (PPML) ekonometrinius modelius. Fiksuoto poveikio PPML taip pat naudojamas įvertinti prekybos elastingumui su bendra prekyba, eksportu ir importu. Regresijos rezultatai naudojami prekybos politikos kūrėjų rekomendacijoms, siekiant įgyvendinti ES laisvosios prekybos susitarimą su Ukraina. Pagrindiniai rezultatai atskleiia, kad atstumas tarp Ukrainos ir jos prekybos partnerių, Ukrainos pajamos, ES-28 prekybos partnerių pajamos, bei pajamų skirtumai (Linder hipotezė) ir realus valiutos kursas yra svarbūs tarptautinės prekybos veiksniai. Šie rezultatai yra reikšmingi skirtingoms tarptautinės prekybos gravitacijos modelio prekybos specifikacijų funkcijoms. ; Ekonomikos ir vadybos fakultetas ; Ekonomikos katedra

The paper explores the consequences of economic integration on wage and monetary policy management. It studies the possibility that openness may discipline labor unions through potential losses created by the worsening in terms of trade (international competitiveness) associated with high wage claims. We find that, contrary to some recent literature, a monetary expansion fails to affect real outcomes and only results in higher inflation, since the claimed wage-moderation mechanism does not work when it is properly modeled. Hence, recent policy recommendations for an expansionary monetary policy in open economies result to be counterproductive, whereas low-inflation targeting remains a first best policy. [Copyright 2004 The Society for Policy Modeling; published by Elsevier Inc.]

Good working relations between union & management are an important determinant of successful contract negotiations, grievance procedures, & other joint dealings. The variety of possible good relations includes several common factors, namely a minimum of trust & respect, shared understandings & values, & available communication channels. How contract negotiators or other union- management representatives can improve working relations is discussed & 4 principles which representatives should follow to that end are presented. (1) Avoid extreme weakness. This insures that the stronger side will not simply override the weaker side without discussion. (2) Respect the central power position of the other side. This provides a basis for trust & security. (3) Find principles & goals which can be shared. These make intelligible discussion & joint activity possible. (4) Be honest to the proper degree. Honesty is a prerequisite for any communication channel. The main concern is with how representatives can develop shared principles & goals; there is an extended discussion of what sort of principles & goals are capable of being shared, & what sort are not. AA.

These are challenging times for most universities, particularly public universities in developing countries. Budget constraints have compelled many to cut costs and programs. At the same time, changing expectations have thrust upon them new functions and roles. In East Asia, for example, public universities are expected to become more research oriented and link up with industry to enhance national economic competitiveness. To do so effectively, it is assumed they must aspire to "world-class" status and transform themselves into institutions that can compare favorably with the best in the West.

Fragen der Energie- und Klimapolitik sind in den letzten Jahren ins Zentrum der öffentlichen Aufmerksamkeit gerückt. Aufgrund der komplexen Herausforderung, eine gleichermaßen nachhaltige, wettbewerbsfähige und sichere Energieversorgung zu erreichen, setzte sich die Erkenntnis durch, dass die Erfolgsaussichten energiepolitischen Handelns durch ein gemeinsames Vorgehen auf europäischer Ebene deutlich erhöht werden können. Diese Studie bietet erstmals eine systematische Einführung in die im Entstehen begriffene Energie- und Klimapolitik der Europäischen Union. Die Analyse der zentralen Handlungsfelder und Instrumente bezieht nicht nur die Interessenlagen der wichtigsten Akteursgruppen mit ein, sondern berücksichtigt auch die spezifischen institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen europäischer Politikgestaltung. Dr. Oliver Geden ist wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Dipl.-Pol. Severin Fischer ist wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter beim Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP), beide in Berlin