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This article examines our ability to constantly capture life on the move with the convergence of technologies. The incorporation of recording facilities in mobile telephony and our ability to connect to the Internet via mobile devices enable us to share images on a global platform.
The mobile body becomes one that can capture images on the move. This 'civilian gaze' creates a 'glass house' society in which pervasive watching and recording can create spaces of accountability, surveillance, risk, politics of pity, and denigration of humanity. Mobile
communications create a politics of looking in postmodernity where both new sociabilities and risks are created with the embedding of these technologies in our everyday lives. This article examines the consequences of this non-stop capture and civilian gaze for humanity in the immediate and
distant future.

This paper examines the role and contribution of peacemaking to the wider sport, development and peace (sdp) sector. Particular attention is paid to a hitherto under-explored subject: the complex position of the military vis-a-vis sport and sport-related peacekeeping. Through an historical overview of the sport-military intersection, reference to fieldwork in Bosnia and Liberia, and a brief examination of the Conseil Internationale du Sport Militaire, some critical and cautious conclusions are put forth. We suggest that sport-based peacemaking interventions provide the military with a new kind of institutional function, and fresh ways of building positive social links to civilian populations. However, such engagement is only possible if full dialogical engagement between civilians and peacekeeping forces is established, in which the military adapt their practices to suit the local cultural context.

This article examines the effect of prior military service on hiring for entry-level jobs in a major metropolitan labor market. The research employs an audit method in which resumes differing only in the presentation of military experience versus civilian work experience are faxed in response to an advertised position. Results suggest that employers exhibit preferential treatment of black military veterans with transferable skills over black nonveterans. Veterans with traditional military experience in the combat arms do not experience preferential treatment by employers, regardless of racial/ethnic background. These findings suggest a possible mechanism generating the postmilitary employment benefit among blacks found in prior observational studies. A veteran premium in hiring may stem from the concentration of blacks in military occupational specialties with a high degree of civilian transferability, combined with employer preferences for military veterans with such work experience over their nonveteran peers.

The armed forces have always occupied a central place in Turkeys political agenda. The EU reform process is contributing to a more democratic framework of civil-military relations. Nevertheless, although Turkey follows Democratic Control of the Armed Forces (DECAF), the military still influences civilian governments through various and innovative means. There seems a Turkish version of DECAF that grants a privileged position to the military in the making of security policy. The presidential elections had been a medium for both the militarys involvement in politics and the civilian reaction against this involvement. Civil society organizations, the media, and business circles alike gave significant support to the ruling AKP in its standoff with the military. It is only recently that resistance to the regime guardianship role of the military has emerged ; Şule Toktaş & Ümit Kurt

AbstractThe article aims to discuss and analyze the post-liberation state building challenges in Eritrea. It interrogates how and why the promising start was transformed into a nightmare. It traces two sets of explanatory factors. The first is the political culture that was developed during the liberation struggle. A political culture characterized by centralization, hierarchy, collectivism, strong loyalty and discipline became an obstacle to state building and transition from a guerrilla to civilian governance. The second set of factors pertains to the second war with Ethiopia. The second war not only erased all the post-liberation achievements, but also plunged the nation into social, economic, and political structural and systemic crisis. To exist from this predicament would require emancipation from the political culture of the liberation struggle and smooth transition to a civilian democratic and constitutional governance system.

AbstractStates are increasingly hiring private military companies to act in zones where armed conflicts are occurring. The predominant feeling in the international community is that it would be best to regulate such companies. Cognizant of much confusion as to the status of the employees of private military companies under international humanitarian law, this article explains the laws on mercenaries, combatants and civilians and explores how private military companies' employees may fall into any of those categories. It demonstrates that the concept of mercenarism is unhelpful for regulating these companies and that it is unlikely that many of the employees of these companies can be considered to have combatant status. The article considers possible consequences of private military companies' employees having the status of civilians under international humanitarian law and their potential impact on regulating these companies effectively.

'Dual use' refers to those technologies that can, with some adaptation, have both military and civilian applications. It is a concept rooted in the dichotomies of the Cold War. Over the last 55 years it has served both to structure an export control regime aimed at limiting the diffusion of advanced technology to hostile states and to underpin a range of domestic defense acquisition policies aimed at increasing the utilization of civilian technologies by the military. With the end of the Cold War and the erosion of the boundaries between civil and military technologies, U.S. policy to control the spread of military-related technology is in disarray. A more workable policy would replace open-ended support for new military technology with a realistic assessment of the security risks and needs, and limit export controls to a few, highly dangerous technologies.

'Dual use' refers to those technologies that can, with some adaptation, have both military & civilian applications. It is a concept rooted in the dichotomies of the Cold War. Over the last 55 years it has served both to structure an export control regime aimed at limiting the diffusion of advanced technology to hostile states & to underpin a range of domestic defense acquisition policies aimed at increasing the utilization of civilian technologies by the military. With the end of the Cold War & the erosion of the boundaries between civil & military technologies, U.S. policy to control the spread of military-related technology is in disarray. A more workable policy would replace open-ended support for new military technology with a realistic assessment of the security risks & needs, & limit export controls to a few, highly dangerous technologies. Adapted from the source document.

The Action Plan on Crisis Prevention illustrates a variety of instruments, activities & funding initiatives which have been undertaken by the German Government & Parliamentarians in order to strengthen civilian approaches to foreign policy. It contains numerous incentives for other states who are willing to foster coherence & conflict prevention mainstreaming in foreign policy. On the other hand, the Action Plan lacks concrete proposals for the European dimension of conflict prevention & for cooperation with civil society organizations. Moreover, it does not consider the financial implications realistically. Its authors assume that increasing capacities for conflict prevention can be done within today's budget lines. But even if there is political support for more effective policies, additional funding & expanded resources are needed. Finally, the imbalance between spending for civilian instruments & for military crisis reaction needs to be corrected. Adapted from the source document.

Contends that the post-invasion planning of Iraq -- viewed as one of the most incompetently planned occupations -- holds a critical lesson for civil-military relations in the US. After pointing out the difficulties of Iraq's Phase IV, or postconflict stabilization mission, three arguments against the assertion that post-Saddam Iraq would necessarily be chaotic are outlined. While acknowledging the responsibility for the failed stabilization lies mostly with the Bush administration, this view is deemed too simple, & attention is given to placing some of the blame on key military officers who chose not to act counter to their civilian counterparts. Wesley Clark & Colin Powell are then briefly cited as military officers who did step on civilian toes & thus proved to be useful in US foreign policy making. Adapted from the source document.

A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "Amid growing concerns about a potential smallpox attack, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) is working with 62 state, local, and territorial jurisdictions to implement the civilian part of the National Smallpox Vaccination Program. The goal is to increase the nation's response capacity by vaccinating health workers for Smallpox Response Teams as quickly as is safely possible. A civilian program using vaccination to bolster bioterrorism preparedness is unprecedented, the health risks are uncertain, and the public health system has had little recent experience with smallpox. Safe implementation of such a program will be complex. GAO was asked to examine implementation and its challenges. GAO reviewed program materials and data and interviewed CDC officials and representatives of organizations involved."