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Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Part I: Introductory Aspects -- Chapter I: The Legal Framework of EU External Relations -- 1. EC External Competences -- 1.1. Legal Personality and International Capacity -- 1.2. Types of Capacities -- 1.2.1. Diplomacy -- 1.2.2. Autonomous Measures -- 1.2.3. International Obligations -- 1.2.4. Treaty-making Powers -- 1.3. Competences in the Bilateral Sphere -- 1.3.1. Procedural Rules -- 1.3.2. Typology of Framework Agreements -- 1.3.2.1. Trade and Commercial Agreements -- 1.3.2.2. Association Agreements -- 1.3.2.3 Agreements on Development Co-operation -- 2. Manifestation of the EC Competences -- 2.1. Approaching Competence -- 2.2. Types of Competences -- 2.2.1. Explicit Competences -- 2.2.2. Implicit Competences - The ERTA Doctrine -- 2.3. Nature of the Competence -- 2.3.1. Exclusive Competence -- 2.3.2. Shared Competence - Mixed Agreements -- Chapter II: Evolution of the Human Rights Policy in the EU/EC External Relations -- 1. Political Evolution -- 1.1. The Lomé Context -- 1.1.1. The Lomé I Convention and the "Uganda Guidelines -- 1.1.2. Negotiating the Lomé II Convention -- 1.1.3. Negotiating the Lomé III Convention -- 1.2. Outside Lomé -- 1.2.1. The Instrumental Role of the Parliament -- 1.2.2. Towards a Principle of European Responsibility? -- 2. De Iure Evolution -- 2.1. 1989: The Beginning of a Human Rights 'Policy' -- 2.1.1. Negotiating the Lomé IV Agreement -- 2.1.2. The End of the Cold War and the Potential for Human Rights -- 2.1.3. Blurring the Principle of Non-Intervention -- 2.2. Internal Developments -- 2.2.1. 1991: The Mandate to include Human Rights Clauses -- 2.2.2. The Consolidation of Human Rights Clauses and Maastricht -- 2.2.3. The Commission "Largesse" - Chapter B7-70.

For many years, Spain was one of a few European countries without an influential radical right party. In the recent years, the situation has changed sharply as a marginal right radical party VOX turned into a significant force – a third party in the Cortes according to the number of votes. The stormy take off of VOX cannot be separated from the systemic crisis of the Spanish polity which manifested itself particularly in the Catalan conflict. The threat to territorial integrity gave rise to a sense of impaired national dignity. Spanish nationalism, which seemed to recede into the background of the societal agenda during the first post-Francoist decades, has revived in a more radical guise. VOX advocates militant nationalism and upholds traditional values challenging the liberal paradigm of societal development. By sharply criticizing the liberal democratic regime VOX intends not to dismantle but to reform it. The revision assumes the reinforcement of centralizing and unitary origins in the Spanish state through the abolition of the autonomies' rights and also the radical restrictions of the rights of ethnic minorities (Catalans, Basques, immigrants). Such standpoint entails the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in the mass consciousness. At the same time, the party does not stand against the democratic system and does not raise the question on the restoration of authoritarianism in Spain. VOX, therefore, discards some principles of liberal democracy (a number of elements of political pluralism), without rejecting the other (rights and freedoms for the majority of the population).

State administration office as state agency has broad authority in executing government affairs. This widespread authority tending to be misused so could cause loss and injustice on the part of society, therefore there must be other institutions that control it. Based on some political theory, executive as state agency are politically controlled by legislative and are juridical controlled by a judiciary, so state administrative officials carry out executive functions so juridical control judiciary are state administrative courts. In addition, public service is the social rights of society (social rights). Social rights are the rights to receive and the rights to receive from the government, therefore the government organizer is obliged to provide the best service to the community. However, the implementation of public services has not been well received by the community. Governance And Decentralization Survey (GDS) 2012 found three important issues that occurred in the field of public service delivery, first, the magnitude of service discrimination, Second, there was no certainty of cost and time of service, third, low level of public satisfaction with public service. From this situation opens the opportunity for government organizers to perform maladministration actions in public service. The number of maladministration actions in public service can be evidenced by the data reported by the Ombudsman, every year its charts always rise. Due to the construction of legal accountability for maladministration actions undertaken by government organizers in public service must be immediately re-established. Keywords: Legal Aspect, Public Service, Maladministration

Several challenges involving torture-related human rights violations have been reported in Zimbabwe from the late 1970s to date. Notably, these torture-related human rights violations were problematic during the liberation war era in Zimbabwe. Regrettably, such violations are allegedly still prevalent, especially prior to and/or during general political elections in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, this article investigates torture as a human rights violation in Zimbabwe, inter alia by focusing on the role of selected law enforcement agencies in the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. The article also discusses the legal position on torture and the perpetration of torture against ordinary people prior to as well as after independence in Zimbabwe. This is done to investigate the adequacy of the legal framework in Zimbabwe with regard to the combatting of torture. In relation to this, selected regional and international legal frameworks against torture are briefly discussed in order to determine possible measures that could be utilised in Zimbabwe. The authors submit that although the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 20) Act, 2013 (Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013) prohibits torture, more may still need to be done to enhance the combatting of torture in Zimbabwe. For instance, apart from the prohibition contained in the Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013, there is no legislation that expressly outlaws torture in Zimbabwe. Moreover, Zimbabwe has not ratified the United Nations (UN) Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 1984 (UN Convention against Torture) to date. Lastly, concluding remarks and possible recommendations that could be employed to discourage torture-related human rights abuses in Zimbabwe are provided.

Several challenges involving torture-related human rights violations have been reported in Zimbabwe from the late 1970s to date. Notably, these torture-related human rights violations were problematic during the liberation war era in Zimbabwe. Regrettably, such violations are allegedly still prevalent, especially prior to and/or during general political elections in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, this article investigates torture as a human rights violation in Zimbabwe, inter alia by focusing on the role of selected law enforcement agencies in the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. The article also discusses the legal position on torture and the perpetration of torture against ordinary people prior to as well as after independence in Zimbabwe. This is done to investigate the adequacy of the legal framework in Zimbabwe with regard to the combatting of torture. In relation to this, selected regional and international legal frameworks against torture are briefly discussed in order to determine possible measures that could be utilised in Zimbabwe. The authors submit that although the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 20) Act, 2013 (Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013) prohibits torture, more may still need to be done to enhance the combatting of torture in Zimbabwe. For instance, apart from the prohibition contained in the Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013, there is no legislation that expressly outlaws torture in Zimbabwe. Moreover, Zimbabwe has not ratified the United Nations (UN) Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 1984 (UN Convention against Torture) to date. Lastly, concluding remarks and possible recommendations that could be employed to discourage torture-related human rights abuses in Zimbabwe are provided.

Several challenges involving torture-related human rights violations have been reported in Zimbabwe from the late 1970s to date. Notably, these torture-related human rights violations were problematic during the liberation war era in Zimbabwe. Regrettably, such violations are allegedly still prevalent, especially prior to and/or during general political elections in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, this article investigates torture as a human rights violation in Zimbabwe, inter alia by focusing on the role of selected law enforcement agencies in the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. The article also discusses the legal position on torture and the perpetration of torture against ordinary people prior to as well as after independence in Zimbabwe. This is done to investigate the adequacy of the legal framework in Zimbabwe with regard to the combatting of torture. In relation to this, selected regional and international legal frameworks against torture are briefly discussed in order to determine possible measures that could be utilised in Zimbabwe. The authors submit that although the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 20) Act, 2013 (Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013) prohibits torture, more may still need to be done to enhance the combatting of torture in Zimbabwe. For instance, apart from the prohibition contained in the Zimbabwe Constitution, 2013, there is no legislation that expressly outlaws torture in Zimbabwe. Moreover, Zimbabwe has not ratified the United Nations (UN) Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 1984 (UN Convention against Torture) to date. Lastly, concluding remarks and possible recommendations that could be employed to discourage torture-related human rights abuses in Zimbabwe are provided.

The Peruvian Economic Constitution establishes the duty to carry out economic activities with social responsibility, which include not only private sector activities but also those of the public sector within the framework of the so-called "social market economy." Hence, it is impossible to comprehend that this duty is considered as a power and its fulfillment is left to free will. This article will explain that social responsibility is an essential component of the Peruvian economic system and, therefore, is implicitly provided for in the Political Constitution of Peru. The appropriate and comprehensive denomination should be "market economy with social responsibility," so that social responsibility goes from being considered as a power to being accepted as a constitutional duty of mandatory compliance. ; El deber de realizar las actividades económicas con responsabilidad social en el Perú se establece en la Constitución económica, y no solo comprende a las actividades del poder privado, sino también a las del poder público en el marco de la llamada economía social de mercado. Por tanto, es incomprensible que este deber se considere como una facultad y se deje su cumplimiento a la libre voluntad. En este artículo se explicará que la responsabilidad social es un componente esencial del régimen económico nacional y, por ende, se encuentra prevista de manera implícita en la Constitución Política del Perú. La denominación apropiada y omnicomprensiva debería ser economía de mercado con responsabilidad social, de tal modo que la responsabilidad social pase de verse como una facultad a aceptarse como un imperativo constitucional de obligatorio cumplimiento.

William Galston (1996) & Jean Bethke Elshtain (1991) argue that law & policy should be used to promote the intact two-parent married heterosexual family. Galston advocates divorce reform to discourage single-parent families & Elshtain opposes extending the right to marry to same-sex couples. This response defends a multipurpose definition of family, opposes making divorce more difficult, & supports same-sex marriage. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tesis doctoral inédita leída en la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Facultad de Derecho, Departamento de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales. Fecha de lectura: 03-02-2016 ; Esta tesis tiene embargado el acceso al texto completo hasta el 03-08-2017 ; Over the last decades, social scientists and democratic theorists have paid increased attention to the role of emotions in politics. However, while sociologists have emphasised primarily the role of emotions in the mobilization process, and normative political theorists have discussed mainly on the dichotomy between suitable versus harmful emotions for democratic purposes, there is still a lacuna in the understanding of the political role of emotions. It is this gap that this thesis attempts to fill. Focusing on the broad role of emotions apparent in recent anti-austerity movements in Europe, this thesis advances a theoretical inquiry, which can contribute to the connection between protest analysis, democratic theory, and populism. While in the broad scientific literature recent protest mobilizations have generally been associated with contentious processes, the rise of left-wing populism, practices of deliberative democracy, experiments in horizontal decision-making, and so forth, this research highlights the role of affects in recent anti-austerity movements, and examines how a discursive focus on emotions can enrich the scholarship on democratic theory on offer. The main argument proposed here is that, besides their central function in motivating people to engage in political action, emotions also play a significant role in the framing of democratic order. Specifically, it is contended that they have a 'geometrical' role in shaping the political subject – namely 'the people'. As well, contributing to the latency of political concepts, they have an 'evocative' role in today's struggle for democratic legitimacy and popular sovereignty. Finally, this investigation assesses the success of some current theories of democracy giving an account of the role of emotions in politics, and argues that an agonistic approach offers fruitful insights in this debate.

Just as the availability of new ideas can drive the development of new institutions, the unavailability of ideas also has powerful political effects. The article demonstrates the paradoxical absence of class discourse in postcommunist Polish political debates--paradoxical because the same actors who eschewed class discourse believed that postcommunist class formation and inequalities were the central problems shaping the country and driving the political agenda. The paper documents the early thinking about class and politics on the part of key political activists. It traces their fear of class discourse to their limited knowledge of postwar European capitalisms and the role played by strong labor movements in stabilizing those systems. Ironically, Poles understood capitalism in too Marxist a way, as a perennially raging struggle between classes. Knowing that workers would lose out in the new system, they feared that speaking about class would empower workers as a class and thus weaken the market economy they were determined to build. Not generally aware how class compromise in the post-World War II era worked to stabilize capitalism, Polish (and most other eastern European) oppositionists did their best to thwart the emergence of class identities on the part of those left behind, even at the cost, for liberals, of reconciling themselves to political defeat. The result of the refusal to countenance class discourse was not a block on the emergence of class anger, but a displacement of that anger from class 'others' to identity-based others, and thus a weakening of the liberal politics that most postcommunist liberals had wished to reinforce. A final section explores recent Polish thinking about class in the context of reactions to the Polish edition of my Defeat of Solidarity book showing continued mainstream reluctance to talk about class but new interest in this category among youth. Adapted from the source document.

This paper takes as its starting point a the oretical gap in the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of Canada in relation to freedom of religion claims. The author argues that, under the Amselem analysis, the Court restricts itself to making decisions involving contested values while avoiding substantive consideration of normative questions. As a result, judicial reasoning in recent cases dealing with religious freedom has been characterized by formalistic doctrinal applications coupled with covert substantive review. The paper argues that the Court should be more explicit in justifying its protection of relational interests within freedom of religion jurisprudence. Neo-republican political the ory offers a justificatory framework for the move away from an individual rights approach to adjudicating social nuances of contemporary religious freedom claims, in a way which recognizes the interdependency of interests, and mediates tensions in social relations. Such a conception of religious freedom balances the impulse to individualism against the interest in co-reliance, and suggests that responsibility and social commitments ought to be understood as a constituent part of freedom, rather than as a threat or toll. The author surveys Supreme Court case law from the 1950s, the pre-Charter or human rights era, to show how the Court grounded its protection of religion and religious freedom in historical and contextual considerations, philosophical values, cultural norms and unwritten constitutional principles. The Court engaged in conceptual analyses about freedom and the role of religion in public life, and decided constitutional rights without reference to positive law. Freedom was understood the n as a moral and political concept, if not yet a legal right. The author the n jumps forward to the recent judgment in L. (S.), in which the Supreme Court found itself again engaging with conceptual issues related to religious freedom, but within the doctrinal framework of section 2(a) and the Charter right to freedom of religion. The author finds that the conceptual questions in L. (S.) focused the Court on defining freedom in alignment with shared public values. The paper closes by examining these shared values, gleaned from a number of recent cases, in an effort to describe the Court's emerging framework for a relational conception of freedom — one in which permissions and restrictions flow in all directions between the state, the individual and the collective.

Abstract. Intraplate regions characterized by low rates of seismicity are challenging
for seismic hazard assessment, mainly for two reasons. Firstly, evaluation of
historic earthquake catalogues may not reveal all active faults that
contribute to regional seismic hazard. Secondly, slip rate determination is
limited by sparse geomorphic preservation of slowly moving faults. In the
Vienna Basin (Austria), moderate historical seismicity
(Imax,obs/Mmax,obs=8/5.2) concentrates along the
left-lateral strike-slip Vienna Basin Transfer Fault (VBTF). In contrast,
several normal faults branching out from the VBTF show neither historical nor
instrumental earthquake records, although geomorphological data indicate
Quaternary displacement along those faults. Here, located about 15 km
outside of Vienna, the Austrian capital, we present a palaeoseismological
dataset of three trenches that cross one of these splay faults, the
Markgrafneusiedl Fault (MF), in order to evaluate its seismic potential.
Comparing the observations of the different trenches, we found evidence for
five to six surface-breaking earthquakes during the last 120 kyr, with the
youngest event occurring at around 14 ka. The derived surface displacements
lead to magnitude estimates ranging between 6.2±0.5 and 6.8±0.4. Data
can be interpreted by two possible slip models, with slip model 1 showing
more regular recurrence intervals of about 20–25 kyr between the
earthquakes with M≥6.5 and slip model 2 indicating that such earthquakes
cluster in two time intervals in the last 120 kyr. Direct correlation
between trenches favours slip model 2 as the more plausible option. Trench
observations also show that structural and sedimentological records of strong
earthquakes with small surface offset have only low preservation potential.
Therefore, the earthquake frequency for magnitudes between 6 and 6.5 cannot
be constrained by the trenching records. Vertical slip rates of
0.02–0.05 mm a−1 derived from the trenches compare well to
geomorphically derived slip rates of 0.02–0.09 mm a−1. Magnitude
estimates from fault dimensions suggest that the largest earthquakes observed
in the trenches activated the entire fault surface of the MF including the
basal detachment that links the normal fault with the VBTF. The most
important implications of these palaeoseismological results for seismic
hazard assessment are as follows. (1) The MF is an active seismic source,
capable of rupturing the surface despite the lack of historical earthquakes.
(2) The MF is kinematically and geologically equivalent to a number of other
splay faults of the VBTF. It is reasonable to assume that these faults are
potential sources of large earthquakes as well. The frequency of strong
earthquakes near Vienna is therefore expected to be significantly higher than
the earthquake frequency reconstructed for the MF alone. (3) Although rare
events, the potential for earthquake magnitudes equal or greater than M=7.0
in the Vienna Basin should be considered in seismic hazard studies.

The topic of youth participation in the public sphere has received increasing attention within recent psychological research. The literature remains somewhat fragmented between different conceptualizations varying in their specificity or broadness. The present study aims to map the current state of debate in psychology regarding youth civic and political participation and to identify the prevalent themes that characterize the research in the discipline from 1990 to 2016. A semantic content analysis with the software T-Lab was performed on a corpus of 1,777 publications retrieved from the PsycInfo database. The results highlight the increasing number of academic contributions on the topic, confirming the growing importance of the issue within psychology. The study sheds light on the spheres of participation, in which the discipline has attempted to make a contribution, namely: traditional and online political context, institutional civic education, adolescent development, and rights-based activism. Moreover, the findings reveal the existing opposing priorities of research that focus either on the explanation of specific forms of involvement or on the formation of future citizens. Within the thematic attention to young people's civic and political development, there seem to be two general approaches that see youth in divergent ways: as citizens whose civic capacities are to be fostered or as targets for top-down training interventions. This systematic thematic review calls attention to the disparate ways in which youth participation is being addressed in psychology and highlights the need for greater theoretical integration in the field of study.

We intend to question the extended view, among citizens, political leaders and even educators, of transition to Sustainability as a future goal that can be postponed in front of the urgent present necessities. We try to show that, on the contrary, this transition is necessary right now to give solution to so serious interconnected problems as climate change, biodiversity loss, resources depletion or poverty and the massive unemployment that destroys the social cohesion, that are seriously threatening the present generation. In this way we can satisfy today the essential needs for a satisfactory life of all human beings, without exceeding the planetary boundaries and damaging the future generations. Education must show that the transition to Sustainability becomes the way to harmonize fundamental Human Rights such as the right to work and the right to a healthy environment, rights that not only don't oppose each other but need to be reached together. ; Este trabajo pretende contribuir a cuestionar la creencia, ampliamente extendida entre la ciudadanía, los responsables políticos, e incluso entre los educadores, de que la transición a la Sostenibilidad es un objetivo para el futuro, que puede esperar ante las necesidades urgentes del presente. Se intenta mostrar que, por el contrario, dicha transición es necesaria ahora para dar solución a graves problemas interconectados, que amenazan ya seriamente a la presente generación, como el cambio climático, la pérdida de biodiversidad, el agotamiento de recursos fundamentales, o la pobreza y el desempleo masivo que destruyen la cohesión social. Se puede de este modo dar respuesta hoy a las necesidades esenciales para una vida satisfactoria de toda la ciudadanía, al tiempo que se reduce la huella ecológica global de la especie humana, respetando los límites del planeta y no perjudicando a las generaciones futuras. La educación ha de poner de relieve que la transición a la Sostenibilidad se convierte así en la vía para armonizar Derechos Humanos fundamentales como el derecho al trabajo y el derecho a un ambiente saludable, derechos que no solo no se contraponen, sino que únicamente pueden alcanzarse conjuntamente.Palabras clave: Transición a la Sostenibilidad; Educación para la Sostenibilidad; Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible; Construcción de un presente sostenible.Transition to sustainability as an urgent goal to overcome the current systemic crisisWe intend to question the extended view, among citizens, political leaders and even educators, of transition to Sustainability as a future goal that can be postponed in front of the urgent present necessities. We try to show that, on the contrary, this transition is necessary right now to give solution to so serious interconnected problems as climate change, biodiversity loss, resources depletion or poverty and the massive unemployment that destroys the social cohesion, that are seriously threatening the present generation. In this way we can satisfy today the essential needs for a satisfactory life of all human beings, without exceeding the planetary boundaries and damaging the future generations. Education must show that the transition to Sustainability becomes the way to harmonize fundamental Human Rights such as the right to work and the right to a healthy environment, rights that not only don't oppose each other but need to be reached together.Keywords: Transition to Sustainability; Education for Sustainability; Sustainable Development Goals; Sustainability as a present urgency.

Gegenstand der vorliegenden Dissertation ist eine Rechtsvergleichung des Vor-GmbH-Rechts in Deutschland und China. Hinsichtlich der fehlenden Gesetzesregelungen in beiden Ländern haben es die Gesetzgeber sowohl in Deutschland als auch in China vor allem der Rechtsprechung und der Wissenschaft überlassen, die Lücken zu schließen. Anders als in Deutschland, wo es sich um einen von der Wissenschaft eingeleiteten und in der Folge von der Rechtsprechung vorangetriebenen Entwicklungsprozess handelt, wurden in China in den Bestimmungen des Obersten Volksgerichts zur Anwendung des Gesellschaftsgesetzes III 2010 fünf Klauseln festgelegt, welche die Vorgesellschaft nicht nur einer GmbH sondern auch einer AG undifferenziert regeln. Im neu erlassenen Allgemeinen Teil des Zivilrechts 2017 wird der Grundgedanke dieser Klauseln weiter zu einer allgemeinen Vorschrift auf alle Vorgesellschaften einer juristischen Person (§ 75) ausgedehnt. Der Aufbau dieser Dissertation folgt der heute üblichen Methode rechtsvergleichender Arbeiten. Nach einer kurzen Einleitung und einer Darstellung der Problematik der Vor-GmbH werden zunächst die Entwicklungen des Vor-GmbH-Rechts in beiden Ländern erforscht. Anschließend werden die einzelnen Sachfragen des geltenden Vor-GmbH-Rechts getrennt und nacheinander gegenüber gestellt und gewürdigt. Die dabei konkret untersuchten Problembereiche sind Rechtswirksamkeit der Satzung, Binnenorganisation der Vor-GmbH, Außenbeziehungen, Haftung der Gesellschafter, Übergang der Rechte und Pflichten auf die eingetragene GmbH sowie die Handelndenhaftung. Zum Schluss folgt noch eine kurze Zusammenfassung. Der rechtsvergleichende Ansatz dieser Dissertation dient in erster Linie dazu, die deutsche Entwicklung und den in dieser enthaltenen Argumentationshaushalt für das chinesische Recht fruchtbar zu machen. Deshalb werden in der Dissertation bei Bedarf jeweils Empfehlungen für Anpassungsvorschläge enthalten. ; The subject of the present dissertation is a comparative legal study of the pre-GmbH law in Germany and China. With regard to the lack of legislation in both countries, lawmakers in both Germany and China have left it up to jurisprudence and science in particular to fill the gaps. Unlike in Germany, where there is a developmental process initiated by legal scholars and moved forward by the jurisprudence, in China five clauses are set in the Provisions of the Supreme People's Court about Several Issues Concerning the Application of the Company Law of the People's Republic of China (III) 2010 which are applied not only to a pre-GmbH but also to a pre-AG. In the newly adopted General Section of Civil Law 2017, the basic idea of these clauses will be further extended to a general rule applicable to all pre-organizations of a legal person (§ 75). The structure of this dissertation follows the modern method of a comparative legal research. After a brief introduction and a presentation of the problem of the pre-GmbH, the developments of the pre-GmbH law in both countries are firstly explored. And then the individual issues of the actual pre-GmbH law are separatedly presented, compared and discussed. The problem areas specifically examined are namely legal validity of the statute, internal organization of the pre-GmbH, external relations, liability of the shareholders, transfer of the rights and obligations to the registered GmbH as well as the liability for those who act in the name of the GmbH. Finally, a short summary follows. The comparative legal approach of this dissertation serves first and foremost to make the German development and the argumentation contained during this process fruitful for Chinese law . Therefore, if necessary, suggestions are always given in this dissertation.