Suchergebnisse

Dedication -- Acknowledgments -- List of Contributors -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Art and Sovereignty -- Evolving Artistic and Political Spheres -- Interdisciplinary Dialogue -- Conceptual Perspectives -- Art and the Sovereign Protection of Property Rights -- National Imaginations, Museums, and Restitution -- Global Order and Cultural Hierarchies -- Commodification of Art and Globalizing Configurations of Markets -- Art and Competing Forms of Sovereign Rule -- Art as a Vehicle for Conveying National and Subnational Identities -- Conclusions

South Africa celebrated twenty years of democracy in
2014 following more than 100 years of colonization and
institutionalized discrimination through Apartheid. A
'broken' family structure is one of the pathetic legacies left
by political instability in post-colonial and post war countries
globally. This phenomenon of broken families is evident in
South Africa following the period of discrimination against
Black people and the systematic migrant labor system that
was sponsored by and for the Apartheid government. The
migrant labor system separated fathers from their families
and men left their families in the rural communities to work
in the burgeoning mines and factories in urban areas. The
current democratic State has a responsibility to strengthen
broken families through policies and intervention informed
by research evidence. There is an emerging body of research
on Father Connections in post-war and post-colonial settings.
This special issue brings together eight articles on Father
Connections in South Africa. The articles present data from
diverse but interesting research; for example the piece by
Nduna M and Taulela M focuses on the experiences of
'discovering' biological fathers for youth who grew up with
absent and unknown fathers. The participants that the article
draws from are young women from a small town, in
Mpumalanga. Through narrative analysis, the article explores
how young people deal with finding out who their biological
fathers are. In the article by Selebano N and Khunou G, the
experiences of young fathers from Soweto are explored.
It is illustrated in this article that, there are strong ties
between young men's experiences and the community
values, history and culture where they experience
fatherhood. The article by Langa M interestingly looks at
narratives and meaning makings of young boys who grew up
without fathers. Langa looks at how young boys can adopt
alternative ideas of what it means to be a man in contexts
that would otherwise be assumed to automatically lead to an
embrace of hegemonic notions of masculinities. On a similar
note the article by Nduna M focuses on experiences of young
people who grow up without a father entering into
endeavours to find and use their father's surname. The
article looks at how the signifying paternal ancestry is
developed and maintained in contexts of father absence,
through pursuing an absent father's surname as the 'right
surname'.
The article by Lesch E and Ismail A focuses on the
significant question of the father daughter relationship and
examines constraining constructions of fatherhood for
daughters with a specific focus on the Cape Winelands
community in South Africa. In Chauke P and Khunou G's
contribution on the media's influence on societal notions of
fatherhood in relation to the maintenance system is
examined. The article looks at how cases of maintenance are
dealt with in print media. Franklin A & Makiwane M's
article provides a significant examination of male attitudes of
family and children. This article begins to speak to the
transformations of expectations of men in families. This
transformation is addressed through a look at racially
disaggregated quantitative data. Mthombeni A reviews a
book, Good Morning Mr. Mandela by Zelda Le Grange
where she examines some of the challenges of fatherhood in
South Africa's past and present.

Статья посвящена исследованию вопросов и возможностей участия граждан в управлении делами государства посредством активизации деятельности политических партий на местном уровне. Цель. Основная цель состоит в анализе нормативной и организационной основ повышения активности политических партий на местном уровне публичной власти, обеспечивающей реализацию права граждан на участие в управлении делами государства. Результаты. Исследованы российское законодательство, практика участия партий при решении вопросов местного уровня в западных странах и странах СНГ, проанализирована степень активности российских политических партий на местном уровне. Показано, чтовозможности участия граждан в управлении делами государства расширяются за счет увеличения количества выборных должностей на местном уровне. Как раз в этом процессе и должны проявить свою активность политические партии, чья деятельность средство реализации указанного права граждан. Заключение. Сделаны выводы о том, что активность политических партий на местном и региональном уровнях не является удовлетворительной и не отвечает приоритетам развития гражданского общества и политической системы; о возможности повышения эффективности деятельности политических партий и реализации права граждан на участие в управлении делами государства на основе принципов, заложенных в Конституции РФ и законодательстве о политических партиях; сформулирован возможный перечень вопросов, при решении которых политические партии могли бы играть одну из главных ролей. ; Introduction. The article is dedicated to analyze questions and opportunities of participation of citizens in managing the affairs of the state through the activity of political parties at the local level. Object. The main point of the article is to analyze a regulatory framework of improving political parties' activity at the local level ensuring the realization citizens' rights of the participation in managing the affairs of the state. Results. The author has completed his research of Russian legislation, practice of parties' participation in resolving local issues in the CIS counties and in the world, benchmark of Russian parties' activity in resolving local issues. He proved that opportunities of citizen participation in government process are increasing simultaneously with the increase of number of elected local officials. Proper realization and enforcement of this citizens right to influence government on the local level and participate in management is exactly the point where political parties have growing opportunities and should be more active. Conclusion. Author concluded that parties' activity on the local and regional level is not enough and it doesn't confirm the priorities of the development of civil society and the political system. Author discovers roots about the opportunity of improving efficiency of political parties' activity and the realization citizens' rights of the participation in government process based on principles of the Russian Constitution and the legislation of the political parties. There is also a list of problems is formulated. The political parties could play a major role solving these problems.

"Taking Privacy Seriously offers both a concise, hard-hitting assessment of the origins of today's privacy-eroding practices and a roadmap for creating robust new individual rights over our personal data. Rule proposes eleven key reforms in the control and use of personal information, all aimed at redressing the balance of power between ordinary citizens and data-hungry corporate and government institutions. What a privacy-deprived America needs most is not less technology, Rule argues, but profound political realignment. His eleven proposed reforms range from launching a major public-works investment consisting of a series of websites publicly documenting the personal data uses of nearly all government and private institutions; to instating a right for any citizen to withdraw from any personal data system not required by law; to creating a universal property right over commercial exploitation of data on oneself--so that no company or other organization could profit from use or sale of such data without permission. Succinct and compelling, Taking Privacy Seriously explains how we can refashion information technologies so that they serve human needs, not the other way around"--

AbstractThe United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic.

Abstract Refugees are forcibly displaced people who fled their home countries due to persecutions because of their religion, nationality, political opinion, race, or being part of a particular social group. Brazilian Law 9474/1997 recognizes people who are fleeing a situation of severe and generalized violation of human rights as refugees. According to Brazilian law and Constitution, refugees have the same rights as Brazilians. However, my research with 29 refugees living in the states of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro shows that refugees are disproportionately affected by the Brazilian responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. This article discusses how refugees in Brazil are affected by federal responses to the pandemic. I conducted 29 semi-structured phenomenological interviews with refugees between March 27, 2020, and April 06, 2020. These interviews were analyzed considering responses adopted by the Brazilian government (at the federal level) to respond to COVID-19. I conclude that refugees are affected by the closure of the borders and their rights to documentation, healthcare, and social assistance (the emergency benefit) are violated.

This article explores the early years of the campaign for 'ordinary', not politically-aligned, prisoners' rights in Ireland. It argues that this campaign has often been overshadowed by the activities of 'political prisoners', who only constituted a small minority of prisoners in the period. The article follows the development and changing tactics of the ordinary prisoners' movement, through the rise and fall of the Prisoners' Union (PU) (1972–3) and into the early years of the Prisoners' Rights Organisation (PRO) (1973–6), which would become the longest-lasting and most vocal penal reform organisation in Ireland, until the formation of the Irish Penal Reform Trust in 1994. It argues that the movement constantly adapted its tactics to address emerging issues and opportunities. Ultimately, it contends that by 1976 the PRO was an increasingly legitimate voice in Ireland's public discourse on prisons. It shows that, although the campaign did not achieve any major penal reforms in this period, it had a significant impact on public debates about prisons, prisoners' mental health, the failures of the penal system, and prisoners' entitlement to human rights.

The article explores the early years of the campaign for 'ordinary', not politically-aligned, prisoners' rights in Ireland. It argues that this campaign has often been overshadowed by the activities of 'political prisoners,' who only constituted a small minority of prisoners in the period. The article follows the development and changing tactics of the ordinary prisoners' movement, through the rise and fall of the Prisoners' Union (PU) (1972-73) and into the early years of the Prisoners' Rights Organisation (PRO) (1973-76), which would become the longest-lasting and most vocal penal reform organisation in Ireland, until the formation of the Irish Penal Reform Trust in 1994. It argues that the movement constantly adapted its tactics to address emerging issues and opportunities. Ultimately, it contends that by 1976 the PRO was an increasingly legitimate voice in Ireland's public discourse on prisons. It shows that, although the campaign did not achieve any major penal reforms in this period, it had a significant impact on public debates about prisons, prisoners' mental health, the failures of the penal system, and prisoners' entitlement to human rights. ; Wellcome Trust

What are the limits of democracy's positive influence on human rights? In this article, we argue that contested elections and powerful courts provide leaders with different incentives with regard to hiding torture. Because government torture is generally targeted at individuals that voters find threatening, institutions that reflect public opinion – like electoral contestation – are associated with higher levels of government abuse that leave scars on the victim's body. Other institutions – like powerful courts – protect the rights of political minorities. Leaders in countries with powerful courts prefer plausible deniability of rights violations and consequently employ higher levels of clean torture, which leaves no scars. We test our hypotheses using data from the Ill-Treatment and Torture (ITT) Data Collection Project that distinguish between Amnesty International (AI) allegations of scarring and clean torture. We employ an undercount negative binomial that accounts for AI's (in)ability to obtain information about torture. The model assumes that some incidents of torture go unreported and allows the extent of underreporting to vary across countries/years. Estimates from the model yield considerable statistical and substantive support for our hypotheses.

What are the limits of democracy's positive influence on human rights? In this article, we argue that contested elections and powerful courts provide leaders with different incentives with regard to hiding torture. Because government torture is generally targeted at individuals that voters find threatening, institutions that reflect public opinion – like electoral contestation – are associated with higher levels of government abuse that leave scars on the victim's body. Other institutions – like powerful courts – protect the rights of political minorities. Leaders in countries with powerful courts prefer plausible deniability of rights violations and consequently employ higher levels of clean torture, which leaves no scars. We test our hypotheses using data from the Ill-Treatment and Torture (ITT) Data Collection Project that distinguish between Amnesty International (AI) allegations of scarring and clean torture. We employ an undercount negative binomial that accounts for AI's (in)ability to obtain information about torture. The model assumes that some incidents of torture go unreported and allows the extent of underreporting to vary across countries/years. Estimates from the model yield considerable statistical and substantive support for our hypotheses.

The Constitutional Express was a response to the federal governments proposed changes to the Canadian Constitution in 1980. As a result of the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs analysis of these proposed changes, a state of emergency was declared and First Nations from across Canada mobilized to fight against their rights being extinguished. After protests nationally and internationally, Section 35 was added to the 1982 Canadian Constitution. Section 35 provides constitutional protection to the aboriginal and treaty rights of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. There is debate concerning whether or not Section 35 positively or negatively impacts Aboriginal Rights in Canada. Despite the controversy, the Constitution Express was a significant event because it was a political movement led by grassroots participants. However, current literature focuses on the result of the Constitution Express and the leader of the movement. There is a gap regarding the mobilization of this event and the journey. This paper aims to share the story of this grassroots movement by analyzing participant's experiences and primary sources. ; Arts, Faculty of ; Geography, Department of ; Unreviewed ; Undergraduate

В статье рассматриваются гарантии реализации экологических прав граждан, под которыми понимается совокупность таких государственно-правовых условий и средств их осуществления, которые обеспечивают фактическую реализацию прав и их надежную защиту в случае посягательства как отдельных граждан, их групп, так и государства в целом. Автор исследует общесоциальные гарантии реализации экологических прав граждан (политические, экономические, духовно-нравственные), а также специальные юридические гарантии отраслевые (конституционные, административные, экологические) и судебные. В результате высказывается ряд предложений по развитию системы гарантий и законодательства. ; The article deals with the guarantees of implementing citizens' environmental rights, which are understood as a set of such state and legal conditions and means of their implementation, which provide the actual implementation of human rights and their reliable protection in the event of infringement by individuals, their groups as well as by the state as a whole. The author studies the general social guarantees of citizens' environmental rights (political, economic, spiritual and moral), as well as special legal guarantees sectoral (constitutional, administrative, environmental) and judicial. As a result, the article includes a number of suggestions on the development of guarantees and legislation systems.

In scores of countries, the adoption of gender quotas has boosted the numbers of women elected to national legislatures. How does the growing presence of women affect legislative behavior regarding women's rights? Using an original dataset of all the bills submitted to the Argentine Congress between 1983 and 2007, we analyze the relationship between women's presence in Congress and the introduction and approval of bills related to women's rights. Our dataset allows us to compare three periods with varying levels of women's presence in both legislative chambers (the first without quotas, the second with a quota in one chamber, and the third with full quota implementation in both chambers). Our results confirm the necessity of distinguishing between the process of legislative behavior and its outcome. We show that many more women's rights bills were introduced when women held a greater share of seats in both chambers. However, the approval rates of these bills actually declined. Despite their greater presence, women continue to be marginalized in the legislature and to suffer reduced political efficacy. Adapted from the source document.