Suchergebnisse

The massive migration of the rural population, triggered by agrarian distress, to the more developed regions of India for lowly paid jobs in the informal sector has been one of the most striking phenomena in neoliberal India. The last two decades have also witnessed an unprecedented out-migration of rural population from the northeast Indian state of Assam to the metropolises and growth centres in other parts of India in search of livelihood. Based on a study conducted in Bengaluru among migrant workers from Assam, this article examines the networks that facilitate such out-migration, its circular nature, and their working and living conditions in the city. The remittances of the migrants provide only temporary relief to their families in the villages and despite their periodic return to the village with the intent to settle down, poverty and lack of alternative livelihood force them to migrate to the city again. The oscillation between the dehumanising conditions of their life in the city and the economic hardship in the village continues without any reprieve.

This article was published open access under a CC BY licence: https://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/
This paper introduces the case of marriage migration into the debate on the intra-Asian circuit of capital flow, human mobilities and urban and regional development. While intra-Asian marriage migration lies at the intersection of governmental policy, increased capital flow and human mobilities, it has been absent from the discussion on capital flows within the global East. Employing ethnographic research methods, we explain how Vietnamese marriage migrants in South Korea and their Korean husbands restyled their remittances to invest in land and businesses in hometowns, the Mekong Delta area and big cities through transnational marriage networks. Explanations for what caused marriage migrants' position to evolve include a discussion of macro-politics of political and economic reforms in South Korea and Vietnam and the micro-politics of transnational networks. By demonstrating the roles of transnational marriage networks, this research contributes to the debates on migration-developmentmobility circuit.

This introduction frames the special issue 'Mobilising Language, Gender and Sexuality Studies', situating the contributions in relation to interdisciplinary scholarship on migration, gender, sexuality and language. In particular, this introduction draws attention to Global South theorisations of migration as resistance, suggesting that scholars of language, gender and sexuality can build on such approaches to trace forms of agency that otherwise might go unnoticed. The contributions to this special issue investigate how gender and language circulate in dominant migration discourses and are contested by mobile communities, linking normative ideologies to individual bodies and lives through the use of stereotyped figures. The introduction also highlights how themes of time, place and nation weave through the contributions and calls for a scalar approach that resists the widespread downscaling of migrants' own discursive acts. It concludes with a call to action that urges scholars to consider how they might support the ways in which mobile communities are making sense of and taking action in the world.

The current migration waves in the European Union, especially after the outbreak of war in Ukraine, are causing a lot of confusion. This has forced EU institutions and individual member states to rethink their policies towards refugees. Analysis of the migration phenomenon within the EU, due to its importance in both the European and international arenas, is crucial to achieving this goal. The research problem of this article is to discuss the impact of the migration and refugee crisis on EU refugee policy after 2015. The main hypothesis is that as a result of the "refugee crisis" in 2015, followed by the COVID-19 pandemic, a change occurred in the way EU security policy was conducted. An additional conditionality turned out to be the currently ongoing war in Ukraine, which caused a huge relocation of the population and, at the same time, revised the EU's asylum legislation, showing its loopholes and inconsistencies. The research methodology includes a critical review of relevant literature, official documents, policy documents, primary and secondary legislation, statistical data, and content analysis.

The aim of the article is to examine the actions taken by the government of the SPD-FDP-Greens in Germany as part of the migration policy towards foreigners, both arriving in and residing in the country. The work is intended to clarify whether these decisions were part of the multicultural model of immigration policy. The article analyzes the activities of the government, the intention of which was to regulate the stay and introduce facilitations in terms of coming to Germany, and points to the consequences of this policy. The government's actions included, among others: continuation of the voluntary resettlement programme, joining the group of countries voluntarily accepting migrants, easing the requirements in the procedure of granting citizenship, introducing the right of occasional residence for tolerated persons, shortening the duration of the asylum procedure and not introducing regular border checks on sections of the border that were exposed to high migration pressure. They resulted in an increase in migration pressure to Germany and a large number of applications for international protection.

Organizations compete for scarce resources such as talent. The mobility of employees between organizations means that the inflow side acquires resources at the expense of the outflow side. This study understands employee turnover from one place to another as a mobility network where directed edges indicate migration flows between organizations. Using observational data on the turnover of tenure-line communication faculty in 129 U.S. universities from 2013 to 2022, this paper investigates the formation mechanisms of the interorganizational mobility network. The results show that the creation of migration flows is driven by transitive closure, but not by cyclic closure. Community cohesion is not a driving force of network formation. While low-prestige universities are more likely to be sources of faculty mobility than high-prestige universities, migration flows are commonly observed between organizations with similar levels of prestige. Additionally, the probability of faculty mobility between universities first decreases and then increases with their geographic distance.

Abstract
Societally salient issues, like migration, stimulate user engagement with political parties on social media. This user engagement, in turn, is associated with political behavior, such as voting. Nonetheless, few studies so far have investigated the interaction between these factors. We examine how anti-immigration attitudes are associated with user engagement with political parties on social media. In this study, user engagement is understood as following political parties on social media. Through online data that were collected in October 2019 among adults (N= 1,000) in Belgium, we investigate how attitudes and user engagement are associated with voting behavior. Results suggest that attitudes towards migration are associated with user engagement with both left and right-wing parties on social media. Moreover, these attitudes and user engagement – and the interaction between the two – are related to voting behavior: being against (being in favor of) migration and following right-wing (left-wing) parties on social media is associated with a higher likelihood of voting for a right-wing (left-wing) party.

La mobilité internationale fait partie de la carrière des artistes aspirant à s'insérer dans les circuits internationaux de diffusion de l'art contemporain. La migration des artistes originaires des périphéries du monde de l'art contemporain « globalisé » vers des « centres artistiques » peut favoriser leur internationalisation. Les migrations des artistes espagnol·es vers des villes comme Paris, Londres ou Berlin se sont accélérées depuis l'entrée de l'Espagne dans l'Union européenne, mais cela ne s'est pas traduit par une plus grande visibilité internationale de ces artistes. Au contraire, en quittant leur scène artistique d'origine, ces artistes peuvent se retrouver en situation de « double absence ». Cet article analyse les contradictions qui sont au cœur des carrières des artistes originaires des périphéries, entre l'injonction à l'internationalisation pour réussir et les formes de désaffiliation liées à la migration. Il s'intéresse aux ressorts du maintien des émigrations en interrogeant l'ancrage territorial de la reconnaissance artistique dans le monde de l'art contemporain « globalisé », ainsi qu'aux stratégies que les artistes mettent en place pour atténuer les effets négatifs de la « double absence » dans leurs carrières.

This study focuses on the online community of Romanian-speaking mobile migrants who live or regularly return to Berlin. Engaging with theories on transnationalism and social media, this article addresses how digital transnational social spaces contribute to international migration. On the basis of both quantitative and qualitative data collected during 2020-21, it is argued that the social media groups of Romanian-speaking migrants are community spaces which strengthen ties between the members, thus facilitating international migration. Digital transnational social spaces carry meaning to the migrant community, state institutions and social networks, as well as to researchers; while, for migrants, the existence of Facebook groups lowers the threshold of integration and allows the strengthening of social ties. Engaged institutions could rethink their communications strategy by considering a more active presence on social media, while the platforms could use digital communities as targeted audiences. Finally, the research is enriched with a deeper perspective on the impact of social media on international migration.

Japan is one of the countries with the most frequently changing heads of government in the world. The aim of this article is to examine both the structural and individual causes of this situation by using the example of the short term in office of Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide from 2020 to 2021. While such factors as strong ministerial sectionalism in the government, factionalism in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), high frequency of parliamentary and ruling party presidential elections, as well as consensual political culture made it difficult for prime ministers to remain in office for a longer period of time, the electoral and administrative reforms of the 1990s facilitated the heads of government to stabilize the government's social and party base of support. Nevertheless, the usage of the new institutional instruments to remain in power depended on the prime minister's ability to create his/her positive image among voters. This article analyzes why Prime Minister Suga, despite leading a stable ruling coalition in both houses of the parliament and having extensive experience in decision-making process, was unable to maintain the government's initially high popularity and resigned only one year after having formed his cabinet.

AbstractMonitoring and evaluation (M&E) is a form of expert knowledge that is central to migration governance. This article analyses M&E of the EU Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF), created in 2015 to 'fight the root causes of migration'. Combining institutionalist accounts with practice theory, we examine whether M&E knowledge production served the instrumental purpose of assessing policy impact or mainly legitimated particular policy actors and positions. We find that M&E did not produce evidence on whether the EUTF met its objectives. However, in the context of the EU's multiple crises, M&E knowledge production served to seek legitimacy not only for the EUTF, but also for the further fusion of development and migration policies, and for the EU as a competent and transparent actor. Our analysis highlights that knowledge use and knowledge production are connected, and that M&E knowledge politics allow for the legitimation of both actors and policies.

The article undertakes statistical and sociological analysis of the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for external migrations involving Poland. Its aim is to show the changes in the scale of migration and the socio-economic situation of migrants. The text uses the available statistical data, reports and research results. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on migrations turned out to be relatively small, especially in the statistical dimension. The inhibition of immigration was temporary, while the number of Polish citizens abroad decreased. The pandemic affected the socioeconomic situation of migrants more than the size of the displacements. Due to limited language competences and familiarity with Polish institutions, difficulties in accessing the labor market and social services were felt more strongly by them, especially by those staying in Poland for the shortest time and outside the labor market. The increased need for access to health care and social support has at the same time become a factor increasing legal employment of foreigners.

In this paper, we perform a cross-platform, cross-language comparison of social media content from Twitter, Reddit and YouTube related to refugees and migrants in the context of two major players in international protection: the United Nations and the European Union. The data covers a period of five years (2015-2019) and is analyzed using a combination of computational methods (word2vec) and computer-assisted content analysis (keyword-in-context) for nine languages. The results show that the most dominant categories of the global cleavage system are the globalists and the nation-statists. The most dominant topics present across the language clusters are Limiting and anti-migration, Global politics, Economy & job-market, and Humanitarian and compassionate attitudes towards migration. While these trends apply to the entire dataset, there are notable differences among language clusters and among the social media platforms, which point out the need to take into account the specific contexts when analyzing the digital discourse on migration.

Migration and migrant movement are a global scenario, in which one of the main drivers, which facilitates migrant movement, is the search for better living conditions. One of the most vulnerable communities in this regard is migrant workers, especially in the developing world, who conduct cross-country migration. Labour migration is a significant national phenomenon in India in which the workers migrate across the states, which were facilitated by the interstate movement. The recent outbreak of pandemic COVID-19 poses the greatest challenge to the migrant workers who face the challenge of displacement due to the restriction of movement and public perception. One of the significant actors facilitating public discourse is the media, which explores the migrant scenario through framing. This article analyzes how the Indian newspaper portrays the plight of the migrant workers in Kerala through media framing using qualitative case analysis. The study reveals that the media frames portray the plight of the migrant workers during the pandemic situation, and the result could be helpful for policy developers on immigrant's integration.

Scholars have argued that immigrants' trust in institutions is the result of the exposure to host-country institutions but also shaped by past experiences in the country of origin. These experiences create a "home-country point of reference," a political/institutional memory that becomes the relevant comparison for any political/institutional interaction in the host country. We develop further this concept and unpack its key determinants—the age at migration and the historical conditions of the home country at the specific time of migration. Only those immigrants who were too old to forget the historical and contextual features of the country-of-origin institutions at the time of migration will rely on this comparison when interacting with institutions in the host country. Across time, there is both a continuous positive/negative accumulation of trust for the host-country institutions among those with less/more democratic points of reference. We examine immigrants' political trust using survey evidence from Israel.