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Governments attempting to regulate labour markets and control immigration are confronted with difficult questions. In the past, there was general agreement that the asylum system should not be exploited as a side entrance to the labour market. The two systems—asylum and labour market—were to be planned and maintained separately. But if migration is a prerequisite for asylum, does not increasingly stiffer migration control block escape for those under persecution? Prices for smuggling go up, and smugglers seek new routes, yet irregular migration continues, and the informal labour market flourishes. Here we must ask an irreverent question: is there any point in having both systems? And can the crux of the matter be that both are repeatedly branded as an 'illegal' phenomena which must be 'battled' like enemies? This contribution asks whether the asylum system a way to regulate the informal labour market within the EU?

While anecdotal evidence suggests that interest groups play a key role in shaping immigration, there is no systematic empirical evidence on this issue. To motivate our analysis, we develop a simple theoretical model where migration policy is the result of the interaction between organized groups with conflicting interests towards labor flows. We evaluate the key predictions of the model using a new, industry-level dataset from the United States that we construct by combining information on the total number of immigrants and H1B visas with data on lobbying expenditures associated with immigration. We find robust evidence that both pro- and anti-immigration interest groups play a statistically significant and economically relevant role in shaping migration across sectors. Barriers to migration are lower in sectors in which business lobbies incur larger lobbying expenditures and higher in sectors where labor unions are more important.

Immigration & asylum are key political issues in Britain & the European Union. Yet the policies of states & supranational bodies seem to have had little success in preventing unwanted flows & effectively managing immigration & integration. This article examines three types of reasons for policy failure: factors arising from the social dynamics of the migratory process; factors linked to globalization & the North-South divide; & factors arising within political systems. Key issues include the role of migrant agency, the way the North-South divide encourages flows, & hidden agendas in national policies. EU efforts attempts to address the root causes of migration in countries of origin are discussed. The article concludes that migration policies might be more successful if they were explicitly linked to long-term political agendas concerned with trade, development & conflict prevention. Reducing North-South inequality is the real key to effective migration management. 66 References. Adapted from the source document.

The phrase alta gatee, dalta ookhree (save there, eat here) neatly sums up the way in which Pakhtun migrants understand their own and their families' condition. The aim of this article is to understand some aspects of the culture of labour migration from the Pakhtun village of Kohery to the Gulf states. The analysis presented here draws on fieldwork carried in the village of Kohery in Dir district during 1990-93 and in the United Arab Emirates, based on time spent there in 1988 and 1989. The article examines two interrelated themes: the way in which male migrants saved money, and the ways in which these savings were consumed. The analysis is set against two bodies of ethno graphic literature: the ethnographic work on Pakhtuns in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the anthropology of migration and more particularly the slowly growing ethno graphic materials on migration from Asia to the Gulf states.

Presents results of the first annual CGD/FP Commitment to Development Index ([Center for Global Development & Foreign Policy] CDI), which ranks some of the world's richest nations according to how their policies help or inhibit economic & social development of poor countries. The CDI measures six policy areas: aid, trade, environment, investment, migration, & peacekeeping. A sidebar details how the index is calculated, & each area is discussed in terms of its relevance & which nations perform best & worst. A second sidebar delineates five kinds of data the CGD/FP CDI would like to have, eg, internationally comparable data on international migration & labor movements. Findings place the Netherlands first for its strong performance in aid, trade, investment, & environmental policies. The US & Japan, the world's richest nations, sit last on the basis of US environmental policy & peacekeeping contributions & Japanese migration & foreign aid. 5 Graphs, 1 Box. J. Zendejas

▪ Abstract  This article strives to meet two challenges. As a review, it provides a critical discussion of the scholarship concerning undocumented migration, with a special emphasis on ethnographically informed works that foreground significant aspects of the everyday life of undocumented migrants. But another key concern here is to formulate more precisely the theoretical status of migrant "illegality" and deportability in order that further research related to undocumented migration may be conceptualized more rigorously. This review considers the study of migrant "illegality" as an epistemological, methodological, and political problem, in order to then formulate it as a theoretical problem. The article argues that it is insufficient to examine the "illegality" of undocumented migration only in terms of its consequences and that it is necessary also to produce historically informed accounts of the sociopolitical processes of "illegalization" themselves, which can be characterized as the legal production of migrant "illegality."

This paper argues that global games need global rules. Times of globalization call for an international framework to regulate efficiently international movements of people. This paper discusses the economic necessity of a shift from national migration policies to an international regime that could be based on a General Agreement on Movements of People (GAMP). This labor market analogy to the GATT/GATS proceeds from the conviction that in general the free international movement of people -- like the free movement of goods & capital -- is beneficial to the migrants, the countries of origin, & the countries of destination. However, it should also provide an instrument for internalizing externalities provoked by international migration. To avoid brain drain effects in the sending areas & congestion effects in the receiving areas it might be wise to impose a migration fee that makes exits & entries more expensive. Adapted from the source document.

For a considerable time international migration has no longer been synonymous with unidirectional & singular changes of residence from one country to another one. Permanent emigration & immigration were, to an ever increasing extent, replaced by commuting, a migration of workers in keeping with the needs of economy, a circular migration of elites as well as by several other forms of transnational mobility. They are based on ethnical networks, a reduction of travelling time, cost & effort for covering distances as well as on the readiness of the persons involved to live a "life in two societies" -- with all the pros & cons of a "hybrid" way of life. These new types of transnational mobility are not transitory phenomenon tending to fade out in the course of time, but a permanent feature in an interlinked & globalized world. 4 Tables, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

Exploring the questions of how much & why immigration has been a source of political discontent & frustration in Western democracies, the migration context of three sets of Western democracies (the English-speaking settler societies, West European countries, & South European nations) is described, & answers are sought regarding plausible linkages between the scale, timing, & characteristics of migration, & the substance & process of migration policies, on the one hand, & support for government, on the other. Trying to move beyond plausibility, indirect indicators of the impact of immigration on Western publics are discussed: attitudes toward immigration policy & immigrants, support for extremist parties, & acts of violence & disorder linked to anti-immigrant or racist motives. Conclusions are qualified because political malaise is overdetermined. Immigration is undeniably a contributing factor, but it is tied to more general developments so that its independent effect remains unspecified. 72 References. Adapted from the source document.

The United States resisted restrictionist immigration legislation in the late twentieth century, providing an anomaly for those who would expect restrictionism in times of economic recession. According to some expectations, labor unions would be part of a coalition that in such times would restrict migration to reduce job competition. This reasoning draws on a state-centric approach and assumes that effective barriers to entrance exist. If one alternatively assumes that states cannot fully regulate the socioeconomic forces driving migration flows, then one may expect labor unions to abandon their supposed preference for restrictionism and instead organize immigrant workers. In that case, unions would prefer migration law that accommodates the transnational migrants' interests. The data provide some support for this argument. The perspective of complex interdependence, which emphasizes transnational relations and the blurring of foreign and domestic politics, can enhance understanding of immigration policymaking.

Current Population Survey (CPS) data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census quite clearly document continued population redistribution away from SMSAs to nonmetropolitan areas in the United States in the second half of the 1970s. Also, despite popular and some professional allegations of a return of population to cities from suburban rings-which would herald another dramatic migration turnaround during the 1970s CPS data reveal even heavier migration away from central cities to both suburbs and nonmetropolitan areas than in earlier years. Suburban rings are continuing to gain and central cities are continuing to lose population as a result of migration patterns. Decline in population growth rates in the suburban sector is clearly associated with lowered levels of natural increase not to a decline in net immigration. Overall, from a strictly demographic perspective, the data reveal no evidence of a "return-to-the-city" trend.

Intro -- Table of content -- Foreword -- 1 Introduction -- Mediated Bordering. Thinking and Researching Political Borders -- 2 European Spaces - Schengen Borders? -- 3 Thinking and Researching Political Borders -- EUROSUR - The European Border Surveillance System -- Part II: EUROSUR - The European BorderSurveillance System -- 4 "EUROSUR on the Screen" -- 5 EUROSUR on Paper - in the Official Journal of the EU -- 6 EUROSUR: IT's Mediation -- The Refugee Boat - Vehicle, Moving Target, Integrating Figure of EU Bordering -- Part III: The Refugee Boat - Vehicle, Moving Target, Integrating Figure of EU Bordering -- 7 Site Inspection: On Boats and Ships, their Appropriation for Flight and Migration -- 8 Seaborne Migration: Europe's Boat Migrants and their Refugee Vessels -- 9 Seaborne Bordering: Legal Negotiations on Boats and Boat Migrants in EU Border Policies -- 10 The Emergence of Viapolitics -- Bibliography.

The migration-environment nexus has gained increased interest from the social research field over the last years. While straightly connected to human security issues, this theme has pervaded through the media to the public sphere. Therefore, it is important to observe how did the discussions over environmentally induced migrations develop from the scientific basis to the media attention, passing through some political voices, and in which ways might these messages be interpreted within the broader public discourses. To achieve this purpose, the analysis of the press entries between 2004 and 2010 in three of the main Portuguese newspapers shall be presented, specially reflecting upon the events, protagonists, topics, geographical attributions and terms/expressions used to define those who migrate due to environmental degradation or disasters.

This open access book focuses on migrant and minority cemetery needs through the conceptual lens of the mobilities of the living and the dead. In doing so, the book brings migration and mobility studies into much-needed dialogue with death studies to explore the symbolically and politically important issue of culturally inclusive spaces of cemeteries and crematoria for migrants and established minorities. The book addresses majority and minority cemetery and crematoria provisions and practices in a range of North West European contexts. It describes how the planning, management and use of cemeteries and crematoria in multicultural societies can tell us about the everyday lived experiences of migration and migrant heritage, urban diversity, social inclusion and exclusion in Europe, and how these relate to migrant and minority experience of lived citizenship, practices of territoriality and bordering, colonial/postcolonial narratives. The book will be of interest to readers in the fields of migration/mobilities studies and death studies, as well as policy makers and practitioners, such as local government officers, cemetery managers and city planners.