Suchergebnisse

Even though the current literature investigating the labor market impact of immigration assumes implicitly or explicitly labor market regulation as exogenous to immigration (both in terms of size and composition), this is not necessarily the case. This paper shows that the composition of the immigrant population affects, in the medium and long-run, the labor market regulation. We build a new workers protection index based on 36 labor law variables over a sample of 70 developed and developing countries from 1970 to 2010. Exploiting a dynamic panel set- ting using both internal and external instruments, we find that migrants impact the destination countries' workers protection mainly through the degree of workers protection experienced in their origin countries, captured by an "epidemiological" effect. On the other hand, the size of the immigrant population has a small and rather insignif- icant effect. The results are robust to alternative and competing immigration effects such as diversity, polarization and skill-selection. The effects are particularly strong across two dimensions of the workers protection index: worker representation laws and employment forms laws. This paper provides suggestive evidence that immigrants' participation to unions and its implications for the political actors is one of the potential mechanisms through which the epidemiological effect could materialize. Finally, calculations based on the estimated coefficients suggest that immigration contributes to a reduction of the degree of workers protection, particularly in OECD high-income countries.

Even though the existing literature investigating the labor market impact of immigration assumes, implicitly or explicitly, that labor market regulation is exogenous to immigration (in terms of both size and composition), this is not necessarily the case. This paper shows that labor market regulation responds to the composition of the immigrant population. We build a novel workers' protection index based on 36 labor law variables over a sample of 70 developed and developing countries from 1970 to 2010. Exploiting a dynamic panel setting using both internal and external instruments, we find that workers' protection in destination countries is influenced by the degree of workers' protection that immigrants experience in their origin countries and is not affected by immigrant population size. The effects are particularly strong across two dimensions of workers' protection: worker representation laws and employment forms laws. This paper provides suggestive evidence that immigrants' participation in unions and its implications for political actors is one of the potential mechanisms. Finally, calculations based on the estimated coefficients suggest that immigration, on average, contributes to a reduction in workers' protection, particularly in OECD high-income countries.

Internet voting has been available for French citizens living abroad since 2006, and 43.21% of them filled out their ballots online for the first election of their consular delegates in 2014. Using a multivariate analysis of turnout figures at the district and country levels, this research note explores if ballot box and Internet voters differ in their electoral participation patterns. It concludes that turnout must be understood based on the voting modality that French voters choose. While the characteristics of the electoral district (community size, geographical, and historical proximity with France, and party competition) impact ballot box voter turnout, Internet voter turnout is most influenced by the host country's economic and infrastructure development.

COVID-19 pandemic is a universal health crisis that has put the entire world economy at a halt. The pandemic impact on the migrant economy cannot be ignored. India is not exceptional to this and has gone beyond public health to social and economic issues, especially for migrant workers. Since, the union government imposed restrictions on mobility, commercial activities and social interactions under lockdown measures to tackle the spreading Corona virus since March 2020. However, the leader-centric approach keep in mind the lockdown implications on the lives of migrant, underprivileged, or marginalised groups of the country which need to be discussed. Immediate matters of concern are food, shelter, healthcare, loss of job, survival of family, anxiety, and fear etc. In this context, this paper aims to shed light on the vulnerability of India's internal migrants in terms of their mobility, gender, mental health and other issues in a detailed manner. Also looks into the Government initiatives in solving problems of migrants during the lockdown period. In addition, it critically analyses the limitations of public policy in addressing migrants and suggests recommendations for the way ahead.

Seeing the sociopolitical system as fair and legitimate is important for people's participation in civic duties, political action, and the functioning of society in general. However, little is known about when migrants, without life-long socialization in a certain system, justify the sociopolitical system of their host country and how system justification influences their political participation. We examined antecedents of system justification using a survey among Iranian migrants in eight European countries (N = 935). Subsequently, we examined the relationship between system justification and political participation intentions. We found that system justification beliefs are generally high in our sample, mainly stemming from an assessment of opportunity to achieve changes in intergroup relations. Stronger social identity threat, feeling disadvantaged, a longer residence in Europe, and perceived intergroup stability all relate to less system justification. Conversely, stronger efficacy beliefs bolster system justification. Furthermore, we found some support for a curvilinear relationship between system justification and political participation intentions, but the size of this effect is small. The results show that the high levels of system justification of Iranian migrants are at risk when discrimination and disadvantage are perceived to be stable facets of society. Surprisingly, political participation to better Iranian migrants' societal position is barely affected by system justification. We discuss implications and further research that can increase understanding of system justification among migrants.

During the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, (im)mobility policies affected individuals' citizenship rights and movement within countries and across international borders. Prior to the pandemic, the mobility regime in South America was relatively open for regional migrants, bolstered on free residence and equal rights. In this analysis, we focus on human mobility and citizenship rights in South America by examining local and national government responses to Covid-19 between March and August 2020. Using databases, newspaper columns, government websites, and legislation, we outline the region's travel restrictions and exceptions, closures and militarization of borders, internal movement procedures, and economic subsidies to ease Covid-19's impact. While the regional mobility regime had already been under stress since 2015, exceptions to border closures and internal mobility further stratified people based on legal and economic statuses. Deeply affecting individual-state relations, access to mobility and citizenship rights such as labor, housing, and healthcare varied between nationals and non-nationals and between regular and irregular migrants. Reactions may have longer term effects, especially for Venezuelans, since the crisis created new inequalities and contradictions within the regional mobility regime, originally aimed at reducing them.

The essay offers a deeper understanding of Gloria Anzaldúa's theorization of borderlands, crisis, mobility, and resistance as a theory for coalition making among women of color. Through an analysis of Anzaldúa's conceptualization of borderlands, strongly rooted in the socio-political context of the United States in the 1980s, the article deals with Anzaldúa's innovative resignification of crisis and mobility as constitutive elements of political and coalition-making processes. Anzaldúa's reconfiguration of borders and borderlands, and her intersectional analysis of politics, should be understood as a crucial formulation in the development of the U.S. multiracial and transnational feminist movement.

Internet voting has been available for French citizens living abroad since 2006, and 43.21% of them filled out their ballots online for the first election of their consular delegates in 2014. Using a multivariate analysis of turnout figures at the district and country levels, this research note explores if ballot box and Internet voters differ in their electoral participation patterns. It concludes that turnout must be understood based on the voting modality that French voters choose. While the characteristics of the electoral district (community size, geographical, and historical proximity with France, and party competition) impact ballot box voter turnout, Internet voter turnout is most influenced by the host country's economic and infrastructure development.