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Many authors have underlined that processes of Europeanisation of education emerge despite the European Union's lack of formal power in this matter. We would like to argue, in contrast, that this alleged lack of power is precisely what enables the EU to open up a range of possibilities for its implication in the domain of education. The paper focuses on the Open Method of Coordination in education as an instance where a "European space of education" (Dale, 2009; Lawn, 2011) emerges. Now baptised Education and Training 2020, the OMC in education is inherently ambiguous: it is meant to belong to the political field, yet lacks many of the characteristics one would expect to detect in political arenas. Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick, Mangez, & Ozga, 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main technologies of governance analysed in these cases are indicators and benchmarks, which give form to the European education space through the creation and accumulation of statistical data, leading to the comparison and the ranking of Nation States' performances. Using interviews with key actors, direct observations and document analysis, our paper calls for a broadening of the analysis of the political forms that emerged within the European governance of education. Our objective is to complement the analysis of the quantitative side of the European governance with an analysis of the qualitative political learning processes at work within the ET2020 working groups. We show how the informal character of the ET2020 working groups operates not as an obstacle but rather as a resource for their development (Kjaer, 2010). The distance that separates them from more formal circuits of decision-making actually facilitates discussions and, potentially, strengthens the ability of their members to engage in processes of "learning by meeting" (Freeman, 2008). Against this background, this paper argues that, next to the more formal political sphere and next to the quantitative governance mechanisms that benchmarks and indicators are, these informal groups and their cognitive processes play a diffuse and complementary role in the development of the European space of education.

The paper explores the consequences of economic integration on wage and monetary policy management. It studies the possibility that openness may discipline labor unions through potential losses created by the worsening in terms of trade (international competitiveness) associated with high wage claims. We find that, contrary to some recent literature, a monetary expansion fails to affect real outcomes and only results in higher inflation, since the claimed wage-moderation mechanism does not work when it is properly modeled. Hence, recent policy recommendations for an expansionary monetary policy in open economies result to be counterproductive, whereas low-inflation targeting remains a first best policy. [Copyright 2004 The Society for Policy Modeling; published by Elsevier Inc.]

This collection explores a variety of job transitions for older people, including voluntary job moves, coming out of unemployment, temporary labour and passages into retirement. Each chapter hears the voices of older workers and employers, and is positioned within the context of various European countries, with important lessons for future policy.

Good working relations between union & management are an important determinant of successful contract negotiations, grievance procedures, & other joint dealings. The variety of possible good relations includes several common factors, namely a minimum of trust & respect, shared understandings & values, & available communication channels. How contract negotiators or other union- management representatives can improve working relations is discussed & 4 principles which representatives should follow to that end are presented. (1) Avoid extreme weakness. This insures that the stronger side will not simply override the weaker side without discussion. (2) Respect the central power position of the other side. This provides a basis for trust & security. (3) Find principles & goals which can be shared. These make intelligible discussion & joint activity possible. (4) Be honest to the proper degree. Honesty is a prerequisite for any communication channel. The main concern is with how representatives can develop shared principles & goals; there is an extended discussion of what sort of principles & goals are capable of being shared, & what sort are not. AA.

Various initiatives to unite the people and the nations of Europe have often met resistance when trying to reach a level of integration that would comprise significant political and cultural components. European authorities have nurtured high hopes that mass media could play a decisive role in creating and securing a form of European public sphere driven by the development of a European media sphere. Despite daring and resolute initiatives, any significant European media sphere has remained as elusive as a comprehensive Europe-wide public sphere. Adding to the complexity of the matter, the articulation between regional, national, and European public and media spheres forms a range of complex configurations. Ultimately, while preserving the budding of transnational media spheres, attention should be shifted toward making existing public spheres more porous while interconnecting them to enhance mutual understanding and empathy among the peoples of Europe.

Der Beitrag zum Demokratisierungsprozess in der Europäischen Union (EU) untersucht aus historischer Sicht die Ursachen des bestehenden Demokratiedefizits. Die Studie über die Institutionen und die Verfassungsgeschichte der Gemeinschaft setzt in der ersten Phase der supranationalen europäischen Integration an, die mit dem Schuman-Plan vom 09. Mai 1950 beginnt und mit der Unterzeichnung der Römischen Verträge am 25. März 1957 endet. Vor allem der Montanunion, der Europäischen Politischen Gemeinschaft und dem Gemeinsamen Markt kommt hierbei eine Schlüsselrolle zu, wird mit diesen doch jenes Institutionengefüge geschaffen, das den Charakter der Union bis heute bestimmt. Die entsprechenden Untersuchungsfragen lauten: Welche Rolle spielt die parlamentarische Versammlung in den Verhandlungen über die Montanunion und die EWG? Wodurch werden die europäischen Konstruktionen der 1950er Jahre legitimiert, wenn nicht durch die Zustimmung einer direkt gewählten Volksvertretung? Als Ursachen für das Demokratiedefizit lassen sich folgende maßgebliche Aspekte ausmachen: (1) Das Institutionengefüge der Montanunion und der EWG ist das Ergebnis eines politischen Kompromisses von sechs westeuropäischen Staaten, wobei die Interessen der nationalen Regierungen erheblich divergieren. (2) Die Union agiert bis heute fast ausschließlich auf dem wirtschaftspolitischen Sektor, alle anderen Bereiche staatlicher Politik bleiben im Kern nationalstaatlich dominiert. Damit werden, ohne dass darüber prinzipiell nachgedacht wird, auch Kategorien ökonomischen Handelns auf die europäische Institutionen übertragen. (3) Im Zuge des europäischen Integrationsprozesses wurden und werden die Kategorien ökonomischen Handelns auf politische Aktionen übertragen. Ökonomisches Handeln aber bezieht seine Legitimität allein aus seiner Effizienz, und nicht aus der Zustimmung der Bürger. (ICG2)

Longfield, M. Tenure of land in Ireland.--Hoskyns, C. W. Land-laws of England.--Campbell. G. Tenure of land in India.--Laveleye, E. de. Land system of Belgium and Holland.--Morier, R. B. D. Agrarian legislation of Prussia during the present century.--Leslie, T. C. Land system of France.--Faucher, J. Russian agrarian legislation of 1861.--Fisher, C. M. Farm land and land-laws of the United States.--Land system of Ireland and Great Britain compared with the Continent as to tenure, rents, produce, wages, etc., on average soils. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Fragen der Energie- und Klimapolitik sind in den letzten Jahren ins Zentrum der öffentlichen Aufmerksamkeit gerückt. Aufgrund der komplexen Herausforderung, eine gleichermaßen nachhaltige, wettbewerbsfähige und sichere Energieversorgung zu erreichen, setzte sich die Erkenntnis durch, dass die Erfolgsaussichten energiepolitischen Handelns durch ein gemeinsames Vorgehen auf europäischer Ebene deutlich erhöht werden können. Diese Studie bietet erstmals eine systematische Einführung in die im Entstehen begriffene Energie- und Klimapolitik der Europäischen Union. Die Analyse der zentralen Handlungsfelder und Instrumente bezieht nicht nur die Interessenlagen der wichtigsten Akteursgruppen mit ein, sondern berücksichtigt auch die spezifischen institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen europäischer Politikgestaltung. Dr. Oliver Geden ist wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Dipl.-Pol. Severin Fischer ist wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter beim Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP), beide in Berlin

Examines how unions & internal labor markets jointly affect formal training for core production employees, drawing on data from the 1991 National Organizations Study. Contrary to the conclusions of the extant literature, it is found that organizations in which core employees are blue-collar are as likely to provide formal training as companies composed of white-collar workers; some differences in the content of this training is noted. However, it is argued that the logic of providing training is the same for both types of organizations: the more extensive the occupational structure of an establishment, the more likely job training programs will be used as a method of allowing workers to advance. The presence of labor unions is positively correlated with greater training efforts & is also found to offset the absence of internal labor markets. Future research ought to investigate the dynamic evolution of job training programs, paying special attention to the role of labor unions. 2 Tables, 6 Figures. D. M. Smith

The author's argument is that Europe must renounce Kant's universalism & adopt political means in resolving its permanently conflictual situations. In that way it is to construct its new identity that stems neither from the divergent past of its members nor from their divergent perceptions of the future, but is being built in the politically active present. The European Union as a community sui generis is founded on a paradox. Namely, it does not grow from its familiar historical identity, but is growing into it by permanently resolving the conflictual situations of the state of nature by political means. That paradoxical political project may be subscribed to only politically: mythologies, religions, ideologies & metaphysics would, as it were, create a state of nature but only at a higher cultural level. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article examines the academic debate on the rationality of the European Union's Eastern enlargement & discusses some of the explanations offered so far in the literature on the role & weight of principles & interests in shaping EU member states' preferences & behavior. It also tests the explanatory power of the three variants of the "new institutionalism" & offers an alternative explanatory model based on the role of institutions in accommodating principles & interests. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.