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Long-term supply contracts often have ambiguous effects on the competitive structure, investment and consumer welfare in the long term. In a context of market building, these effects are likely to be worsened and thus even harder to assess. Since liberalization and especially since the release of the Energy Sector Enquiry in early 2007, the portfolio of long-term supply contracts of the former incumbents have become a priority for review by the European Commission and the national competition authorities. It is widely believed that European Competition authorities take a dogmatic view on these contracts and systemically emphasize the risk of foreclosure over their positive effects on investment and operation. This paper depicts the methodology that has emerged in the recent line of cases and argues that this interpretation is largely misguided. It shows that a multiple-step approach is used to reduce regulation costs and balance anti-competitive effects with potential efficiency gains. However, if an economic approach is now clearly implemented, competition policy is constrained by the procedural aspect of the legal process and the remedies imposed remain open for discussion.

Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.

This article specifically examines the role of national political parties in the light of European integration. It introduces the functions that are normally associated with parties, which allows for a systematic evaluation of the performance of national parties in the European Union. Probing these functions that parties are reputed to implement, it arrives at the conclusion that national parties are fairly unsuccessful in fulfilling their core tasks at the European level.

Can democracy only survive if it is participatory? Is participatory democracy a prerequisite for sustainable development? Are trade unions the most appropriate body through which such aims can be implemented? These critical questions are tackled in Gérard Kester's book, Trade Unions and Workplace Democracy in Africa, which applies an unparalleled depth of research to these issues as they impact African nations.

It is described as the eight small European Countries Initiative. The initiative developed during the 63(rd) session of the World Health Organization Regional Committee for Europe, held in 2013 in Istanbul, Turkey. Eight European countries counting a population of less than 1 million, gathered together under the auspices of the World Health Organization, to form the European Small Countries Initiative for Health. The eight countries include Andorra, Cyprus, Iceland, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, Montenegro, and San Marino. The main aim of the small countries network is to foster a common political commitment, useful to develop locally good health practices. A specific goal was the implementation of the Health 2020 European policy framework and strategy for the 21(st) century, in the context of countries with small populations. The rational is in fact, that countries with smaller populations have a significant advantage to promote and implement policies and strategies for health and well-being that draw on the contribution of many sectors. The eight small European Countries Initiative particularly aims at amplifying the voice of small countries in European and global health contexts, reaching out to local and international legislators and rulers. It further aims at sharing existing resources among members, with the intent to maximize assets, and innovating and applying solutions to increase capacity to improve health. The founding principle of the eight countries initiative network, is that the experiences of small countries can provide useful learning opportunities, particularly in the healthcare area, that can then be used at regional level in more populous nations.

Die erstmals veröffentlichte Autobiographie beschreibt das Leben und Wirken des ehemaligen Verfassungsrichters und Kirchentagspräsidenten Helmut Simon (1922–2013), der sich selbst als "Außenseiter" und "Querdenker" bezeichnete. Helmut Simon hat Erlebtes auf zeitgeschichtlichen Hintergründen festgehalten, Eindrücke und Erfahrungen geordnet, Rechenschaft abgelegt und eine persönliche Bilanz gezogen unter selbstkritischer Überprüfung bisheriger Positionen. Die Schilderungen werden durch eine Reihe – zum Teil sehr persönlicher – Exkurse und eine Auswahl markanter Texte unterbrochen, deren Sachthemen den Autor während mehrerer Zeitabschnitte beschäftigt haben. Vorangestellt ist dem Werk ein ausführliches Vorwort der bevollmächtigen Herausgeber Dr. Peter Becker, einem langjährigen Wegbegleiter, und Heide Simon, der zweiten Ehefrau von Helmut Simon.