Suchergebnisse

En el presente trabajo damos cuenta de una serie de investigaciones que demuestran que la escuela está afrontando el reto de la convivencia intercultural con la intención de aspirar a construir procesos democráticos de inclusión. En ese sentido, presentamos algunos datos de nuestro estudio actual con el objetivo de conocer la opinión de los estudiantes de 2º, 3º y 4º de la ESO sobre la existencia de racismo y xenofobia en las aulas, con el fin de hacer propuestas para mejorar la convivencia intercultural y crear centros educativos inclusivos. Como avance de resultados de la investigación, podemos concluir que, tras aplicar en los primeros cursos de la ESO las políticas de inclusión y las medidas organizativas y metodológicas de atención a la diversidad que la Región de Murcia ofrece, los alumnos extranjeros no perciben racismo ni exclusión en la convivencia escolar ; In a world where globalization, neoliberalism and the only-thought have generated marginalization and social exclusion, mainly of minority cultures, we must have confidence in education, in general, and school, in particular, as promoters of democratization processes of social inclusion. Therefore, intercultural education should not be reduced to a temporary or discontinuous process affecting methodology, but to a way to achieve educational inclusion of all people from different cultures. Research literature is exposed to support the idea that the school is facing the challenge of intercultural coexistence with the intention of aspiring to build inclusive democratic processes. In this sense, we present some data from our current study in order to know the opinion of secondary school students on the existence of racism and xenophobia in the classroom, to make proposals to improve the intercultural coexistence and create inclusive schools. The article concludes that after applying inclusion policies in the Region of Murcia, immigrant students do not perceive racism or exclusion as part of their school experience

Partendo dai casi di cronaca - assunti nella maniera il meno ideologica possibile - il lavoro prova ad addivenire alle grandi questioni di principio che assillano il nostro tempo, in materia di diritti umani.

En el presente trabajo damos cuenta de una serie de investigaciones que demuestran que la escuela está afrontando el reto de la convivencia intercultural con la intención de aspirar a construir procesos democráticos de inclusión. En ese sentido, presentamos algunos datos de nuestro estudio actual con el objetivo de conocer la opinión de los estudiantes de 2º, 3º y 4º de la ESO sobre la existencia de racismo y xenofobia en las aulas, con el fin de hacer propuestas para mejorar la convivencia intercultural y crear centros educativos inclusivos. Como avance de resultados de la investigación, podemos concluir que, tras aplicar en los primeros cursos de la ESO las políticas de inclusión y las medidas organizativas y metodológicas de atención a la diversidad que la Región de Murcia ofrece, los alumnos extranjeros no perciben racismo ni exclusión en la convivencia escolar. ; In a world where globalization, neoliberalism and the only-thought have generated marginalization and social exclusion, mainly of minority cultures, we must have confidence in education, in general, and school, in particular, as promoters of democratization processes of social inclusion. Therefore, intercultural education should not be reduced to a temporary or discontinuous process affecting methodology, but to a way to achieve educational inclusion of all people from different cultures. Research literature is exposed to support the idea that the school is facing the challenge of intercultural coexistence with the intention of aspiring to build inclusive democratic processes. In this sense, we present some data from our current study in order to know the opinion of secondary school students on the existence of racism and xenophobia in the classroom, to make proposals to improve the intercultural coexistence and create inclusive schools. The article concludes that after applying inclusion policies in the Region of Murcia, immigrant students do not perceive racism or exclusion as part of their school experience

This Note addresses the question of whether to hold child combatants or their commanders accountable for war crimes, and if so, how and to what extent. The author ultimately concludes that child combatants and their commanders should be held equally accountable for their actions, but by measures that appropriately balance individual and public interests in rehabilitation, reintegration, and deterrence. The Note focuses on Omar Khadr, a former child combatant, while using other cases as a reference point for current international legal norms. The author analyzes Khadr's combatant status review, subsequent legal proceedings, detention, and sentence in light of various legal and policy considerations. The author maintains that despite the objectionable means used to obtain Khadr's conviction, it was at least proportionate to the war crimes that he allegedly committed. However, the author also suggests which measures would have been more appropriate under the circumstances and recommends measures that could be taken with respect to similar cases in the future.

My dissertation project explores the question of how activist networks operate in a highly repressive country when outside intervention is restrained. People have seen how effectively the Chinese Communist Party has cracked down on transnational religious activisms sponsored by Falun Gong, the exiled Tibetan government, and the Catholic Church. Nevertheless, Protestant advocacy groups from the United States and elsewhere enter China each year, despite the fact that the Party has stated that no Chinese church is allowed to receive any form of foreign support. I argue that understanding this variation in the success of transnational religious networks sheds light on the significance of an approach to transnational collaboration that is quite different from the "naming and shaming" strategy that dominates the literature on advocacy networks. I tested this strategic alliance argument with a mixed-methods research design, including face-to-face interviews, participant observations in four major cities, and a cross-provincial phone survey in randomly selected prefectures. This project makes notable corrections to previous understanding about protecting minority groups in authoritarian states. First, it addresses the neglect of religion and religious activists in the scholarship on transnational social movements and activism. Second, the strategic collaboration that is demonstrated by religious activists and advocates provides an alternative to the "naming and shaming" strategy of conventional transnational activism that more or less relies on powerful Western states and the United Nations. Third, the project identifies two commonly overlooked causal mechanisms between effective activism and its networks: the alliance strategy of foreign advocates and the leverage provided by government-sponsored social entities. The role of government-sponsored social organizations has been largely ignored in the existing literature. Members from legal entities often help fragile advocacy networks by providing information, legal protection, and connections, while brokering acquiescence from pragmatic local officials. In return, the advocacy networks provide funding, services and, most importantly, necessary legitimacy from globally recognized norms and standards. This unique benefit makes local leaders who ally with the advocacy networks seem more legitimate in the eyes of their own constituency.

With the signing of the Executive Order to close Guantanamo Bay, the need for research has arisen to address the possible solutions. A framework of analysis, built upon various legal factors, is needed to formulate acceptable legal options that coincide with political goals. The difficulty lies in the moral and ethical willingness to pursue these ends. However, only by adhering to the rule of law can the US government effectively close the detention center at Guantanamo and also implement a plan to deal with future incidents regarding possible terrorist suspects. Faculty Mentor: David Kinsella

Memoria del Curso selectivo para funcionarios en prácticas de la Carrera Diplomática ; El objetivo de la presente memoria consistió en analizar la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos en relación con España, a los efectos de determinar el grado de cumplimiento de nuestro país del amplio catálogo de derechos y libertades consagrados en el Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 1950, ratificado en 1979. Dentro de este análisis se estudió, asimismo, la eficacia y ejecución de las sentencias del TEDH en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico, para determinar la influencia de éstas en nuestro país.

The legislative decision that opened in our legal system the marriage institution to same-sex couples, allowing child adoption, provoked, at some point, an intense doctrinal debate. If the intention of the Spanish Constitutional Court, through the Judgment 198/2012, that settled the constitutional demand promoted against the cited decision, was to finish those debates, it doesn´t seem that the purpose was achieved. The majoritarian option dealing with an evolutive interpretation of the Constitution, or the reasons given in the dissent opinions, brought new considerations, like the ones given in this paper. ; La decisión legislativa de abrir la institución del matrimonio a las parejas formadas por personas del mismo sexo y de permitirles la adopción de menores, a través de la Ley 13/2005, generó en nuestro país un, en ocasiones, enconado debate doctrinal. Si la pretensión del Tribunal Constitucional en su Sentencia 198/2012, que resuelve el recurso de inconstitucionalidad promovido contra la citada Ley, era superar dicho debate, no parece que lo haya conseguido. La opción de la mayoría de realizar una interpretación evolutiva de la Constitución, o los argumentos manejados en los Votos Particulares propician nuevas reflexiones, como son las que se ofrecen en el presente estudio.The legislative decision that opened in our legal system the marriage institution to same-sex couples, allowing child adoption, provoked, at some point, an intense doctrinal debate. If the intention of the Spanish Constitutional Court, through the Judgment 198/2012, that settled the constitutional demand promoted against the cited decision, was to finish those debates, it doesn´t seem that the purpose was achieved. The majoritarian option dealing with an evolutive interpretation of the Constitution, or the reasons given in the dissent opinions, brought new considerations, like the ones given in this paper.