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How can workplace rewards promote employee well-being and engagement? To answer these questions, we utilized self-determination theory to examine whether reward satisfaction predicted employee well-being, job satisfaction, intrinsic motivation and affective commitment, as well as valuable organizational outcomes, such as workplace contribution and loyalty. Specifically, we investigated the role of three universal psychological needs—autonomy, competence and relatedness—in explaining whether and why reward satisfaction matters for employees' well-being. We tested our model in a large, cross-sectional study with full-time employees working for multinational corporations in six main world regions: Asia, Europe, India, Latin America, North America and Oceania ( N = 5,852). Consistent with our theorizing, we found cross-cultural evidence that reward satisfaction promoted greater employee functioning through psychological need satisfaction, contributing to better organizational outcomes. Critically, our results were consistent regardless of geographic location. As such, this study provides some of the strongest evidence to date for the power of understanding psychological mechanisms in the workplace: Regardless of the actual rewards that employees received, how workplace rewards made employees feel significantly predicted their optimal functioning.

This dissertation studies six texts written by women (three Indo-English novels, a novel and an anthology of short stories from Cape Verde and a novel from Mozambique). The three Lusophone texts (literature written in Portuguese, though it is not Portuguese literature) are compared to the Indo-English texts in order to assess different evolutions in the sense of national identity in these postcolonial contexts, concerning: . post-independence senses of history and identity, . revision of colonial mythologies, . self-assertion in relation to the colonial past and current neo-colonial threats, . social critique concerning the crisis or weaknesses of the postcolonial state, . alternative agendas to manage a functional sense of self in dialogue with situated, and complex, historical and political contexts. In the chosen texts, the represented frames of collective identity are felt as oppressive forces or problematic references, with damaging consequences in the development of individual identities. As the reader follows individual characters in their process of self-definition, a sense of post-independence crisis is exposed, and a stern social critique carried out, reflecting on past and present international relations, as well. The particular perspective offered by women writers represents "the nation" as a set of particular socio-cultural discourses, entwined with patterns of family organisation, the definition of dominant mentalities concerning gender roles and the perpetuation of normative life styles. While analysing the postcolonial condition of their societies, these writers have also created a set of women characters, situated in different postcolonial contexts, cultures and social classes, which are models of dissent, suggesting alternative feminist agendas, suitable to each of these situated societies. The study of the work of these writers proved the necessity of diverse feminist theories and agendas, sensitive to differences between women, integrated in historical geo-cultural universes. Furthermore, the developed approach demonstrated the worth of a feminist study to discuss and revise models of collective identity criss-crossing with the critical assessment of current postcolonial societies. Finally, this research tried to promote Lusophone literatures (by comparing them to such an established case as Indo-English literature) and map a small genealogy of women s writing in world literatures.

Since the first Human Development Report (HDRs) was published in 1990, the Human Development (HD) paradigm has become a relevant conceptual framework as well as an intrinsic instrument to measure human progress. Yet, critics on the Reports for oversimplifying development have been pointed out as they do not take into account the myriad complex social, cultural, political and historical aspects of a country or a particular society. The United Nations Human Development Programme (UNDP) has however tried to tackle this critique throughout the elaboration of the National Human Development Reports. These reports respond to more local approaches to analyse most pressing issues within national contexts emphasizing on subjects urging particular attention. The insights and statistical data provided within, are indeed becoming important information tools for policy-making and decision taking at a local and regional levels. They represent a sort of route-map to start- up new action plans and policies which could be useful in facing urgent problems concerning inequality, poverty, repression, injustice, among others. Despite the effort made by the Reports to tackle development constraints in more wider terms, the whole HD problematique has not really been undertaken holistically through a multidimensional view. For this reason the Human-Scale Development approach is introduced as an evaluative tool, in order to assess the HD policies entailed within the National Human Development Reports (NHDRs). The main objective is thus, to identify deprivations and potentialities of the very specific proposals (i.e. policies) in order to re-address human development strategies towards real multidimensional political actions. Considering this framework as a most accurate one to tackle social, environmental, economic, institutional, cultural and spiritual human interactions. Therefore, to reach this goal, this research exposes the development notion through a historical route and tracking down the origins of the human development notion. However, further revision on its philosophical and theoretical bases were needed to complete this search, and various debates emerged from these findings. The characterization of the two theories depicted in this work, namely; Human Development (HD) and the Human-Scale Development approach is necessary to identify differences and coincidences, and thereafter proceed to propose a new space of theoretical interaction to widen the HD paradigm. This, with the only aim of ameliorating its operationalization but overall, to achieve a type of development acknowledging real positive changes in people's quality of life. In any case, the main objective is to contribute with conceptual and methodological insights and with the proposal of new ideas in order to move forward in the building of possible Sustainable Human Development strategies within the political sphere. But always understanding the "sustainable" feature as systemic, holistic, and integral principle. Lastly, an evaluation exercise is hence conducted using the last Brazilian National Human Development Report as a case study. The policies within are scrutinized in order to explore new possibilities in the elaboration of HD policies, incorporating a more humanist perception proper from the integral sustainability attributes. The outcomes of this policy assessment intend to identify how other possible participatory schemes can take place in policy-making processes aiming for development models which respond to cultural and social values coherent with the communities and societies entailed. ; Postprint (published version)

Since the first Human Development Report (HDRs) was published in 1990, the Human Development (HD) paradigm has become a relevant conceptual framework as well as an intrinsic instrument to measure human progress. Yet, critics on the Reports for oversimplifying development have been pointed out as they do not take into account the myriad complex social, cultural, political and historical aspects of a country or a particular society. The United Nations Human Development Programme (UNDP) has however tried to tackle this critique throughout the elaboration of the National Human Development Reports. These reports respond to more local approaches to analyse most pressing issues within national contexts emphasizing on subjects urging particular attention. The insights and statistical data provided within, are indeed becoming important information tools for policy-making and decision taking at a local and regional levels. They represent a sort of route-map to start- up new action plans and policies which could be useful in facing urgent problems concerning inequality, poverty, repression, injustice, among others. Despite the effort made by the Reports to tackle development constraints in more wider terms, the whole HD problematique has not really been undertaken holistically through a multidimensional view. For this reason the Human-Scale Development approach is introduced as an evaluative tool, in order to assess the HD policies entailed within the National Human Development Reports (NHDRs). The main objective is thus, to identify deprivations and potentialities of the very specific proposals (i.e. policies) in order to re-address human development strategies towards real multidimensional political actions. Considering this framework as a most accurate one to tackle social, environmental, economic, institutional, cultural and spiritual human interactions. Therefore, to reach this goal, this research exposes the development notion through a historical route and tracking down the origins of the human development notion. However, further revision on its philosophical and theoretical bases were needed to complete this search, and various debates emerged from these findings. The characterization of the two theories depicted in this work, namely; Human Development (HD) and the Human-Scale Development approach is necessary to identify differences and coincidences, and thereafter proceed to propose a new space of theoretical interaction to widen the HD paradigm. This, with the only aim of ameliorating its operationalization but overall, to achieve a type of development acknowledging real positive changes in people's quality of life. In any case, the main objective is to contribute with conceptual and methodological insights and with the proposal of new ideas in order to move forward in the building of possible Sustainable Human Development strategies within the political sphere. But always understanding the "sustainable" feature as systemic, holistic, and integral principle. Lastly, an evaluation exercise is hence conducted using the last Brazilian National Human Development Report as a case study. The policies within are scrutinized in order to explore new possibilities in the elaboration of HD policies, incorporating a more humanist perception proper from the integral sustainability attributes. The outcomes of this policy assessment intend to identify how other possible participatory schemes can take place in policy-making processes aiming for development models which respond to cultural and social values coherent with the communities and societies entailed. ; Postprint (published version)

Hage and Harary present a comprehensive introduction to the use of graph theory in social and cultural anthropology. Using a wide range of empirical examples, the authors illustrate how graph theory can provide a language for expressing in a more exact fashion concepts and notions that can only be imperfectly rendered verbally. They show how graphs, digraphs and networks, together with their associated matrices and duality laws, facilitate the study of such diverse topics as mediation and power in exchange systems, reachability in social networks, efficiency in cognitive schemata, logic in kinship relations, and productivity in subsistence modes. The interaction between graphs and groups provides further means for the analysis of transformations in myths and permutations in symbolic systems. The totality of these structural models aids in the collection as well as the interpretation of field data. The presentation is clear, precise and readily accessible to the nonmathematical reader. It emphasizes the implicit presence of graph theory in much of anthropological thinking

This PhD dissertation proposes a geopolitical analysis of a centrasiatic transborder region, theFerghana Valley, which is today divided between the Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan andKyrgyzstan.A basis of the research, field trips spread over the past three years enabled the development ofinstruments such as border analysis, analytical cartography, qualitative interviews with experts andinhabitants, and bibliographical research in the Ferghana as well as the Uzbek capital city Tashkent– noticeably at the French Institute for Central Asian Studies (IFEAC). As a complement to thefield trips in Central Asia, a research period in France permitted both a consolidation in geopoliticaltheory at the French Institute of Geopolitics (IFG) of the University of Paris 8-Vincennes, andadditional bibliographical research at the French National Library (BNF).The topic of the research is hence the analysis of power rivalries between "territorial actors" overthe "territorial stake" of the Fergana Valley, a fertile basin of strategical location within the largergeopolitical context of Central Asia. Always a stake disputed by various territorial actors over time,the Fergana Valley now experiences power rivalries from contemporaneous territorial actors firstand foremost on the border and transborder levels.By doing so, the dissertation introduces a new actor in the classical geopolitical pattern of analysis:the cultural regionalism. The dissertation hence offers a detailed presentation of the culturalregionalism as well as an evaluation of its past and current importance.First focusing on the centrasiatic context and the peculiarities which stem from its borders, theintroduction presents the "stake" Fergana and its economic and physical resources which explainits importance as a territory. A rapid summary of the theory of geopolitics follows, with thejustification of the choice of the French Lacostian school as the theoretical frame of this work. Theintroduction closes on a first analysis of the Fergana as a space of border or frontier.First partThe thesis is structured in two main parts. The first, more theoretical, analyses each of the threeterritorial actors which aim for power over the Fergana: the Nation, the Religion, and the CulturalRegionalism. The presentation of the actors, of their respective embodiments and of theirmanifestations within the ferganian territory is organised according to a conceptual rationale; eventsthat occurred simultaneously are thus not considered following a chronological order, butseparately, according to their respective relations with the actors evoked.The first chapter focuses on the actor Nation. By this word we understand not only the effectiveentity of the Nation-State, and its three embodiments (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan), but alsothe Nation as an ideology which acts upon the territory through nationalistic policies. The force oflegitimation of the actor Nation did certainly not have a neutral role in the rise of this actor in theFerganian landscape, a process which led the Nation to the top of the geopolitical actors' hierarchyin the region. This chapter also analyses the representations of the Fergana which are defined andimplemented by the actor Nation since its birth in the 1920s. In fact, the Fergana valley first becamea transborder region only in these years, through its integration to the Union of the Socialist SovietRepublics (USSR) and its partition between three of the five newly created Socialist SovietRepublics in Central Asia. In the 1990s, following the fall of the USSR and the independence of thethree Republics, the borders which divided the Ferghana stopped being only internal, but becamereal and proper international borders. Among the main representations that this study looks at, aparticular attention is devoted to the study of the national borders , their creation and theirevolution. The chapter also looks at the relations between the different Nation-States, which form aunique actor when they rival against the other territorial actors – the Religion and the CulturalRegionalism –, but three well different ones when they rival among themselves.The second chapter concentrates upon the second territorial actor, the Religion. The Fergana valleyis one of the most pious and practicing region of Central Asia, and the Islamic religion alwaysplayed a major role in the society's administration and organization.The chapter proposes first an analysis of the religion's representations in the Fergana: theautochthonous sufism and its sacred geography within the Fergana valley ; the traditional Islam ofthe soviet times, which became a legal weapon used by Moscow to fight the sufi orthodoxy in theFergana ; the recently appeared wahabbite fundamentalism, imported from Afghanistan, Pakistanand Saudi Arabia following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the encounter it inducedbetween the soviet muslims and the afghan mujaheddins.It is then examined how the different variations of the actor opposed themselves to the actor Nation,over the years, for the control over the power and the resources of the Fergana. We look at how thegeopolitical rivalries vary dramatically from the soviet era to that of the independence. A specialattention is devoted to the phenomenon of politization of the actor Religion and the way this led theReligion to endorse a role of protagonist in many of the Fergana's events.The third actor is the Cultural Regionalism. It is hereby referred to the geo-cultural identity of thisregional entity, which persists in spite of nationalistic and religious pressures. In fact, as long as theFergana has existed as a place, it has always constituted a geographical, political and social whole.Although its population has been characterized during the past centuries by high levels ofmultiethnicity and linguistic heterogeneity, this did not prevent the societal amalgamation ofpopulations which always held multiethnicity as normality, and always attributed to each "group" aspecific social role within the system Fergana.Be they of language and culture persian and sedentary, turk and sedentary or turk and nomadic,these populations always shared, each in its own social role, a common life within the region. Thisvery phenomenon is the main characteristic of what we call the Cultural Regionalism of theFergana.However, this equilibrium changes with the loss of political sovereignty of the region and the rise ofnationalism under the soviet sovereignty. This chapter analyzes the main representation of the actorCultural Regionalism over time, and how it took stand against the other territorial actors, especiallythe Nation.Second partThe second part of the dissertation as dedicated to the current manifestations of the territorial actorsin the Fergana valley, particularly in its border zones. This part results from the interviews and fieldobservation undertaken in Central Asia and the Fergana in 2007, 2009 and 2010.The first chapter analyzes the border of this region from a theoretical point of view, especially in thelight of the geostrategical categories of "first line of defence" or "last line of defence".In the context of a transformation of the border from the soviet era to that of the independence, thesecond chapter explores the definition of the centrasiatic border, mainly through the analysis ofborder bureaucracy, control posts and documents required to cross the border. The chapter looks atthemes connected to the commercial transborder relations : how the "three" Fergana still manage tointeract despite growing border rigidity, which social relationships subsist today. The qualitativeinterviews led in the Fergana are a major source in this process of reviewing the difficulties ofpassage and communication within the valley, and of tracking the actual presence of the threegeopolitical actors which play a major role in the border relations and conflicts.The third chapter focuses on the Ferganian urban centres: their history, the relations that theFerganians have with them, et above all the internal and external representations of these centres ina now fully transborder region.The fourth chapter concentrates on the demographical evolutions of the Ferganian population. Upuntil then a land of immigration, the Fergana became a land of emigration following theindependence and the materialization of the borders.The fifth chapter deals with the Ferganian infrastructures, especially the rail and road networks, andtheir relationship of reciprocal influence with the mutation of the borders in the region.The sixth chapter builds on the theoretical interrogations evoked in the introduction of thedissertation and develops a conclusive analysis of the Fergana of the borders nowadays.ConclusionThe conclusion of this research depicts the current Fergana, the relations between the differentgeopolitical actors and underscores the persistence of the actor Cultural Regionalism.It establishes the existence of tremendous changes in the region Fergana from various viewpoints:the Ferganian population has new frames of cultural, political and social reference whoseimportance increased dramatically ; new political forms and cultural structures influenced its selfimage,its very identity: "russian, muslim, ferganian", then "soviet, uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz),atheist, ferganian", finally "uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), secular, ferganian".However, although the territory, its borders and inhabitants changed, and despite the strongobstacles set by the actor Nation, the cultural regionalism succeeded in maintaining itself, byadapting to the new tendencies and ways of interpretation of the Fergana.The conclusion ends with the most recent events of the Fergana, the Andjian massacre in 2005 andthe Osh clash in 2010, which are both analysed in the light of the geopolitical power rivalries whichpersist in the region. ; IntroductionCette thèse de Doctorat propose une analyse géopolitique d'une région transfrontalière de l'Asiecentrale, la vallée du Ferghana, aujourd'hui divisée entre les Républiques d'Ouzbékistan, duTadjikistan et du Kirghizistan.Des séjours sur le terrain répartis sur trois ans ont constitué la base de la recherche, au travers del'analyse des frontières, de la cartographie analytique, d'entretiens qualitatifs avec experts ethabitants, et de recherches bibliographiques dans le Ferghana ainsi que dans la capitale ouzbèkeTachkent – notamment près l'Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale (IFEAC). Ces périodesde terrain ont été complétées par un séjour de recherche en France, articulé principalement autourd'un approfondissement théorique à l'Institut Français de Géopolitique (IFG) de l'Université ParisVIII-Vincennes et de recherches bibliographiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France.L'objet de ce travail est donc l'analyse des rivalités de pouvoir entre les acteurs territoriaux surl'enjeu territorial de la vallée du Ferghana, bassin fertile à la position stratégique dans le contextegéopolitique centrasiatique élargi. Si le Ferghana a toujours constitué un enjeu disputé pardifférents acteurs territoriaux, les rivalités des acteurs actuels jouent aujourd'hui surtout au niveaufrontalier et transfrontalier.Ce faisant, cette thèse introduit un nouvel acteur dans le schéma d'analyse géopolitique classique:le Régionalisme culturel. Le Régionalisme culturel en tant qu'acteur territorial y fait donc l'objetd'une présentation approfondie ainsi que d'une évaluation de son importance passée et actuelle.Concentrée d'abord sur le contexte centrasiatique et les particularités qui découlent de sesfrontières, l'introduction présente ensuite « l'enjeu » Ferghana et ses ressources physiques etéconomiques, qui expliquent l'importance de ce territoire. Elle se poursuit sur un rapide pointthéorique sur la géopolitique et la justification du choix de l'école de pensée géopolitique de YvesLacoste comme cadre théorique de cette recherche, avant de s'achever sur une première analyse del'espace Ferghana à l'aune des catégories de frontières et de confins.Première partieLa thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties. La première, à dominante théorique, analyse à tourde rôle les trois acteurs territoriaux qui rivalisent pour le pouvoir sur le Ferghana: il s'agit de laNation, de la Religion, et du Régionalisme culturel. La présentation des acteurs, de leursdifférentes incarnations et de leurs représentations respectives du territoire ferghanien sont ainsiabordés selon un ordre conceptuel ; des évènements s'étant produits simultanément ne sont ainsipas analysés chronologiquement mais séparément, en tant qu'ils se rapportent aux acteurs évoqués.Le premier chapitre est consacré à l'acteur Nation. Par cette expression nous entendons nonseulement l'entité effective Etat-Nation et ses trois incarnations (Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan,Kirghizistan), mais aussi la Nation comme idéologie qui agit sur le territoire au travers depolitiques nationalistes. La force de légitimation de l'acteur Nation n'est pas étrangère àl'accroissement de son importance sur ce territoire, qui l'a sans aucun doute mené au sommet de lahiérarchie des acteurs géopolitiques dans cette région. Ce chapitre analyse les représentations duFerghana définies et mises en oeuvres par l'acteur Nation depuis son apparition dans les années1920. La vallée du Ferghana est en effet devenue une région transfrontalière à cette époque, avecson intégration à l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et sa partition entre troisdes cinq Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques nouvellement créées en Asie Centrale. Dans lesannées 1990, avec la chute de l'URSS et l'indépendance des trois Républiques, les frontières quidivisaient le Ferghana ne sont plus simplement internes, mais deviennent bel et bieninternationales. Parmi les représentations majeures qui font l'objet d'une étude dans ce chapitre,une attention particulière est portée aux frontières nationales, leur création et leur évolution. Lechapitre s'intéresse également aux relations entre les différents Etats-Nations, qui constituent unacteur unique lorsqu'ils rivalisent contre les autres acteurs territoriaux – la Religion et leRégionalisme culturel – mais aussi trois acteurs différenciés lorsqu'ils se disputent le territoireFerghana entre eux.Le deuxième chapitre est consacré au deuxième acteur territorial, la Religion. La vallée duFerghana est l'une des régions d'Asie centrale les plus croyantes et pratiquantes, et la religionislamique y a toujours eu un rôle important dans la gestion de la société.Ce chapitre propose d'abord une analyse des représentations de la religion dans le Ferghana : lesoufisme autochtone et la "géographie sacrée" des hauts lieux de ce courant de l'Islam dans leFerghana ; l'Islam traditionnel de la période soviétique, devenu une arme légale utilisée parMoscou pour combattre l'orthodoxie soufie du Ferghana ; le fondamentalisme wahabbiterécemment apparu, importé d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et d'Arabie Saoudite à la suite del'invasion de l'Afghanistan par les Soviétiques en 1979 et de la rencontre qui s'en est ensuivieentre les musulmans soviétiques et les moudjahiddines afghans.Ensuite est examinée la manière dont les différentes variantes de l'acteur Religion se sontopposées, au cours des années, à l'acteur Nation pour le contrôle du pouvoir et des ressources duterritoire Ferghana. Nous y voyons comment la rivalité géopolitique entre deux acteurs varie dutout au tout selon que l'on parle de l'acteur Nation au cours de la période Soviétique ou bien aucours de l'ère ayant succédé à l'indépendance.Une attention particulière est portée au phénomène de politisation de l'acteur Religion et à lamanière dont cette politisation a amené la Religion à assumer un rôle de protagoniste dans denombreux évènements du Ferghana.Le troisième acteur est le Régionalisme culturel. Avec cette expression nous faisons référence àl'identité géo-culturelle de cet ensemble régional, qui persiste malgré les pressions nationalistes etreligieuses. Car aussi loin que remonte son existence en tant que lieu, la vallée du Ferghana atoujours constitué un ensemble géographique, politique et social à part entière. Bien que sapopulation se soit distinguée au cours des derniers siècles par une grande multiethnicité ethétérogénéité linguistique, cela n'a pas empêché un amalgame sociétal de cette population qui atoujours considéré la multiethnicité comme normale, et toujours a attribué à chaque « ethnie » unrôle social déterminé au sein du système Ferghana.Qu'elles soient de langue et de culture persane et sédentaire, de langue et de culture turque etsédentaire, ou bien de langue et de culture turque et nomade, ces populations ont toujours partagé,chacune dans son propre rôle social, une vie communautaire au sein de la région, et ce phénomèneest la caractéristique principale de ce que nous appelons le Régionalisme culturel du Ferghana.Cependant, cet équilibre change avec la perte de souveraineté politique de la région, l'avènementdu nationalisme sous l'action de l'URSS, et la partition de l'espace entre trois Etats nations del'Asie centrale soviétique. Ce chapitre analyse ainsi les principales représentations de l'acteurRégionalisme culturel au cours du temps, et comment il s'est opposé aux autres acteursterritoriaux, en particulier à l'acteur Nation.Seconde partieLa seconde partie de ce travail est dédiée aux manifestations actuelles des acteurs territoriaux dansla vallée du Ferghana, plus spécialement dans ses zones de frontière. Cette partie est le résultat desentretiens et des observations de terrain réalisés en Asie centrale et dans le Ferghana au cours deséjours en 2007, 2009 et 2010.Le premier chapitre analyse la frontière de cette région du point de vue théorique, à la lumièrenotamment des catégories géostratégiques de "première ligne de défense" ou "dernière ligne dedéfense".Dans le contexte d'une modification de la frontière entre l'époque soviétique et celle del'indépendance, le deuxième chapitre approfondit la définition de frontière centrasiatique, autravers principalement de l'analyse de la bureaucratie de frontière, des postes de contrôle et desdocuments requis pour le passage de la frontière. Les thématiques liées aux relations commercialestransfrontalières y sont examinées : comment les "trois" Ferghana parviennent encore à interagirmalgré la rigidité croissante des frontières, quelles relations sociales transfrontalières subsistent ausein du Ferghana d'aujourd'hui. Les entretiens qualitatifs réalisés dans le Ferghana jouent un rôlemajeur pour recenser les difficultés de passage et de communication dans la vallée et déceler, dansles descriptions et jugements recueillis, la présence des trois acteurs géopolitiques qui toujoursjouent un rôle fondamental dans les relations et conflits de frontière.Le troisième chapitre est dédié aux centres urbains du Ferghana : leur histoire, le rapport que lesFerghaniens entretiennent avec eux, et surtout les représentations internes et externes que lescentres urbains assument au sein d'une région désormais tout à fait transfrontalière.Le quatrième chapitre se concentre sur les évolutions démographiques de la population. Jusque làterre d'immigration tout au long des années tsaristes et soviétiques, le Ferghana est devenu uneterre d'émigration avec l'indépendance et la concrétisation des frontières.Le cinquième chapitre s'intéresse au Ferghana des infrastructures, notamment les réseaux ferré etroutier, et leur rapport d'influence réciproque mutations frontalières de cette région.Le sixième chapitre reprend les interrogations théoriques posées dans l'introduction et développeune analyse conclusive sur le Ferghana des frontières aujourd'hui.ConclusionLa conclusion de cette recherche dresse le bilan actuel du Ferghana et des rapports entre lesdifférents acteurs géopolitiques, et observe la persistance de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel.Force est de constater l'existence de changements dans la région Ferghana à différents points devue. La population ferghanienne dispose de nouveaux cadres de référence culturels, politiques etsociaux qui ont pris une importance majeure. Des nouvelles formes politiques et de structuresculturelles ont eu un impact sur son image d'elle-même, sur son identité: "russe, musulmane,ferghanienne", puis "soviétique, ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), athée, ferghanienne", et enfin"ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), laïque, ferghanienne".Cependant, bien que le territoire, ses frontières et la société qui l'habite aient changé, et malgré lesobstacles forts posés par l'acteur Nation, que Régionalisme culturel a réussi à survivre, ens'adaptant aux nouvelles tendances et aux nouveaux modes d'interprétation du Ferghana.La conclusion s'achève sur les évènements les plus récents du Ferghana; massacre d'Andijan en2005 et affrontements à Osh en juin 2010, qui sont analysés à la lumière des rivalités de pouvoirgéopolitique qui persistent encore dans la région.

La discusión entre neoconservadores y segunda escuela de Frankfurt acerca del problema de la democracia tiene uno de sus ejes centrales en la manera de entender la cuestión de la legitimidad. En el caso neoconservador, la legitimidad democrática es asumida como el resultado de un proceso político de participación reducida a lo electoral, en el que, por ende, el nivel de lo económico no entra en el debate público. En esa medida, la cohesión social reposa a la vez en el funcionamiento autónomo del mercado y en la coerción del orden político-administrativo jurídicamente regulado. Por el contrario, para la teoría critica la clave de la legitimidad democrática reposa en una progresiva ampliación de la participación que se exprese, en último término, como el sometimiento, deliberativamente alcanzado, de los poderes económico y político-administrativo, a la volitividad de los ciudadanos. En otros términos, en la politización de la sociedad civil. En tales circunstancias, la cultura se erige en vehículo de la cohesión social en igualdad de circunstancias con el mercado y con la coerción institucionalizada. ; The discussion between newconservatives and Frankfurt School concerning the democracy problem, has one of its central points in the way of understanding the legitimacy issue. As far as the neoconservative are concerned, the democratic legitimacy is seen like the product of a political process in which the political participation is limited to the electoral dimension. In this view, of course, the economic level is independent of the public debate. Finally and in logical relation with this, the social integration rests on the independent working of the market and on the coercive mechanism of the political-administrative order. On the contrary, since the critical theory point of view, the key of the democratic legitimacy is a wide participation that means a civic control of the economic and political-administrative powers. That control should be reached by deliberative ways. It means, in other words, spread the politics all around the civil society. In this picture, finally, the cultural relations became a central tool of the social integration process, at the same level that the market and the institutional coercion.

This commentary complements Karababa and Kjeldgaard's fine review paper. It discusses how a practice theory of value might be developed. It suggest value is one outcome of practices. And it draws attention to how value producing practices might differ depending upon what regime of value dominates. It encourages us to think that value producing practices critical to consumer culture differ from those in other cultural contexts.

The given article is devoted to the theoretical analyses of the psychological and sociological nature of the phenomenon of bullying at school nowadays based on the cross-cultural comparison of achievements and failures all over the world. The paper reveals pathways and experience of advanced countries, such as Great Britain and Canada aimed at implementing the best functioning models of foreign educational institutions in Ukrainian educational system. This article describes how international and cross-cultural contributions of global psychologists and sociologists could be purposefully integrated in Ukrainian educational space. Key concepts and the principle tenets of the theory of bullying and shyness as the lack of communicative skills were identified and defined, leading to overview of the knowledge about global bullying at schools; skills, values and competencies which should be shaped in teenagers as well as understanding of generational differences in political socialization, their adaptability to political changes and outcomes. Further development of the theory was proposed with the focus of investigation on the first communicative experiences of a buller and his/her sacrifice. The integration of school, parents and its context with teenagers' needs through psychological, moral, ethical, social, organizational and educational areas in order to bridge theory-practice gaps a for a better world are outlined. The study also focuses on the author's own approach to the theoretical and conceptual basis of the school violence by examining negative emotions in the process of communication as mediators between family violence, family communication styles and bulling at contemporary educational space. ; Статтю присвячено теоретичному аналізу взаємозв'язку шкільного булінгу та сором'язливості в сучасному українському освітньому просторі з урахуванням міждисциплінарного крос-культурного досвіду фахівців у різних країнах світу. Проаналізовано інноваційні підходи до розуміння проявів шкільного терору за нових реалій у ХХІ столітті, визначено етапи вивчення проблематики булінгу, узагальнено статистичні дані щодо поширення сучасних проявів насильства (кібербулінг, мобінг) у провідних країнах світу, зокрема Великій Британії та Канаді. Обґрунтовано необхідність подальших досліджень булінгу з вирішенням комплексу завдань, направлених на ґрунтовне вивчення специфіки міжособистісного спілкування підлітків та рольової структури булінгу, його гендерної специфіки, а також тісної взаємодії батьків, вчителів, науковців в окресленні шляхів подолання цього явища.

Editorial DOSSIER: Educación, Pensamiento Crítico y Cambio Sociocultural Coordinadora: Lic. María del Pilar Quintero M. Racismo, etnocentrismo occidental y educación. El caso Venezuela. Racism, western ethnocentrism and education. The case Venezuela.Racisme, ethnocentrisme occidental et education. Quintero Montilla, María del Pilar Pedagogía, conocimiento crítico y multiculturalismo. Un desafio para el siglo XXI. Pedagogy, critical knowledge and multiculturalism. A challenge for the XXI century.Pédagogie, connaissance critique et multiculturalisme: Un défi pour le XXI siècle. Castiñeiras, Martha Función paterna, pautas de crianza y desarrollo psicológico en adolescentes: Implicaciones psicoeducativas. Father function, childhood growth patterns and psychological development in teen-agers. La fonction paternnelle, les regles d' éducation et de developpement psychologique chez les adolescents: Des implications psycho-éducatives. Arvelo, Leslie Democracia y ciudadanía en la escuela Colombiana. Democracy and citizenship in the Colombian school.Démocratie et citoyenneté a l'école Colombienne. Castillo Guzmán, Elizabeth Una convergencia de arte, psicología y pedagogía para la escuela: El Prelibro. An art convergence, psychology and pedagogy for the school: The prelibro.Une convergence d'art, de psychologie et de pédagogie pour l'école: Le prelivre. Barradas Nahr, Mariela Estilos de crianza, estilos educativos y socialización: ¿Fuentes de bienestar psicológico?. Styles of upbringing, educational styles and socialization of generate. Styles d'éducation, styles pédagogiques et socialisation de produisez. Vielma Rangel, Jhorima Hijos de inmigrantes colombianos en el páramo merideño, escuela y memoria cultural. Children of colombian immigrants in the moor merideño, school and cultural memory. Des enfants des immigrants colombiens dans le «paramo merideño», école et mémoire culturelle. Urbina Pimentel, José Gregorio Relación sujeto-objeto y la teoría mecanicista de la psicología. The relationship fellow-object and the theory mechanic of the psychology.Le rapport fellow-object et la théorie mécanique de la psychologie. Negrete B., Plinio OTRAS INVESTIGACIONES, ESTUDIOS Y REFLEXIONES Programa de orientación vocacional para la educación media y diversificada. Program of vocational orientation for the half and diversified education. Programme d'orientation professionnelle pour le demi et a diversifié l'éducation. Chacón Martínez, Olga EXPERIENCIAS Y PROPUESTAS DIDÁCTICAS La ciudad en el aula: Algunas propuestas teórico-didácticas para su enseñanza. The city in the classroom: Some theoretical - didactic offers for its education. La ville dans la salle de classe: certains théoriques - offres didactiques de son éducation. Aranguren R., Carmen DOCUMENTOS Profecía. Los desposeídos del mundo. Viñeta Pedagógica Acción Pedagógoca en la red Hernández, Laura Reseñas ; 62-66 ; pnb2000@cantv.net ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

Biographical note: Sebastian Nestler (Dr. phil.) lehrt am Institut für Medien- und Kommunikationswissenschaft der Universität Klagenfurt. Seine Arbeitsschwerpunkte sind Cultural Studies, poststrukturalistische Philosophie, Film- und Fernsehforschung sowie kritische Medienpädagogik.

This paper considers Bernard Stiegler's contribution to contemporary critical theory. Stiegler's singular understanding of technology widens critical debate on the specificity of contemporary society and prolongs, in a novel manner, remaining commitments of recent French philosophy to the Marxist analysis of capitalism, underpinned by Freudian libidinal economy. I argue that the originality of Stiegler's work lies in his understanding of retentional finitude: what he calls "tertiary memory." This understanding provides him with critical purchase on contemporary capitalist forms. It has allowed him most recently to develop an embryonic critique of political economy, focused on technological and libidinal practices of consumerism. His technological analysis of contemporary reality, buttressed by "technological" readings of Marx and Freud, are important in this context. I suggest, however, that neither reading is ultimately convincing for the critical-philosophical purpose in hand. For, they do not provide the non-technological detail and distinctions needed to further transformative reflection on our contemporary economic condition. Without such distinctions, Stiegler's work simplifies complex modern society and ends up in an unmediated politics of education. The article expounds thereby the Janus-faced nature of Stiegler's engagements: an excellent philosophical reflection on contemporary technology, on the one hand, a technologically determinist (and rather apocalyptic) analysis of the economy, society, and culture, on the other.

This paper examines how cultural crowdfunding (CCF) was used during the COVID-19 crisis in Japan. Based on the theory of participative turn in cultural management, we find that CCF revitalises culture by bridging the gap between cultural practitioners and citizens. To examine the new dynamics of CCF in Japan, the authors studied a series of emerging CCF campaigns and examined in depth the case of Ohara Museum of Art. Cultural practitioners strategically used CCF to tap into new groups of supporters and maintain cultural infrastructure that was not fully covered by public funding. This paper concludes that the current emergence of the CCF demonstrates a new form of trusting relationship between cultural practitioners and supporters, in which Japanese citizens use the CCF not only as a tool for transmitting grants, but also as a platform to express their appreciation for local culture.

A review essay on books by (1) Brian Barry, Culture and Equality: An Egalitarian Critique of Multiculturalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard U Press, 2001); (2) Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism, and Citizenship (Oxford, UK: Oxford U Press, 2001); (3) Jacob Levy, The Multiculturalism of Fear (Oxford, UK: Oxford U Press, 2000); & (4) Bhikhu Parekh, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard U Press, 2000). At stake is Barry's claim that multiculturalism is particularist & divisive, in conflict with liberal egalitarianism & its goals. While Barry is ultimately not the most dependable commentator on contemporary multiculturalism, he does cogently state many liberal-Left anxieties about Kymlicka's exhortation to join the "emerging consensus." Does multiculturalism jeopardize liberal democrats' cherished principles & institutions? Or are Barry & other like-minded critics unnerved by a bugbear of their own making? The review addresses these questions, arguing that Barry's position about multiculturalism's risks are overstated. Parekh's & Kymlicka's more benign views of multiculturalism occasionally interrogate rather than complement the tenets of liberal egalitarianism. Levy's book sidesteps some of the weaknesses of Parekh's & Kymlicka's theories by limiting multiculturalism's range. He claims that individual rights & multiculturalism should be viewed not as ends but as means to security, although influenced by the work of Judith Shklar, Levy seems not to grasp her central point that liberalism ignores cultural minorities' genuine bases for fear. K. Coddon

This book focuses on the contribution of Marcel Mauss (1872-1950) to social theory and a theory of cooperation. It shows that Mauss's essay "The Gift" (1925) can be seen as a classic of a pragmatist, interactionist and anti-utilitarian sociology. It critiques the dichotomy of self-interest and normatively orientated action that forms the basis of sociology. This conceptual dichotomization has caused forms of social interaction (that cannot be localized either on the side of self-interest or on that of morality) to be overlooked or taken little notice of. The book argues that it is the logic of the gift and its reciprocity that accompany and structure all forms of interaction, from the social micro to the macro-level. It demonstrates that in modern societies agonistic and non-agonistic gifts form their own orders of interaction. This book uniquely establishes the paradigm of the gift as the basis for a theory of interaction. It will be of great interest to researchers and postgraduates in social theory, cultural theory, political sociology and global cooperation, anthropology, philosophy and politics.--