Suchergebnisse

Les médias francophones, en couvrant l'actualité politique bruxelloise et à la faveur des (très médiatisés) «conflits» communautaires, évoquent régulièrement les volontés du pouvoir flamand de (re)conquérir Bruxelles, voire une véritable «flamandisation» de la ville. Cet article tente d'éclairer cette question de manière empirique à l'aide de différents «indicateurs» de la présence flamande à Bruxelles. L'analyse des migrations entre la Flandre, la Wallonie et Bruxelles ces vingt dernières années montre que la population néerlandophone de Bruxelles n'est pas en augmentation. D'autres éléments doivent donc être trouvés pour expliquer ce sentiment d'une présence flamande accrue. Une étude plus poussée des migrations montre une concentration vers le centre de Bruxelles des migrations depuis la Flandre, et les investissements de la Communauté flamande sont également, dans beaucoup de domaines, concentrés dans le centre-ville. On observe en réalité, à défaut d'une véritable «flamandisation», une augmentation de la visibilité de la communauté flamande, à la fois en tant que groupe de population et en tant qu'institution politique. Le «mythe de la flamandisation» prend essence dans cette visibilité accrue, mais aussi dans les réactions francophones à cette visibilité. L'article analyse, au passage, les différentes formes que prend la présence institutionnelle flamande dans l'espace urbain, et en particulier dans le domaine culturel, lequel présente à Bruxelles des enjeux particuliers. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This is the final of three Thematic Reports published as part of a CREST-funded project carried out by a team of researchers at City, University of London, and Cranfield University at the Defence Academy of the United Kingdom. With the objective of better understanding Tamil diaspora communities' attitudes and engagement in the Sri Lankan civil conflict (1983-2009) and its aftermath, the project explores diaspora and refugee communities' relationship with the changing socio-political environment in the homeland, exploring what shapes and influences processes of radicalisation or moderation among these communities. It recognises that the socio-political circumstances in which these processes develop are often crucial to understanding why a community or individuals within that community abroad act in a certain way; this includes analysis of different scales and levels of engagement, both in home and host countries, as well as different 'areas' of engagement, which can include social, economic and political interactions. The three thematic reports produced as part of this project cumulatively build a comprehensive picture of the state of knowledge on political action among diaspora, refugee and asylum populations. The theoretically-informed, literature- and evidence-grounded conclusions arising from these three thematic reports are therefore of relevance beyond the case of Sri Lanka. Thematic Report One discussed how four analytical concepts, diaspora, transnationalism, cosmopolitanism, and translocalism, have come to frame the academic discussion of overseas politics and the potential of these concepts to shed light on the relationship between mobility and political action. Thematic Report Two complements the previous report's broad conceptual discussion by specifically focusing on an analysis of the context and drivers of political action among diaspora and refugee populations, and engaging with the term 'refugee politics'. The current paper – the final Thematic Report – analyses the growing 'securitisation' of refugees and other forcibly displaced populations and calls for greater consideration of structural vulnerabilities in the forced migration and displacement cycle that increase the risk of radicalisation, extremism and related political behaviours.

This article analyses the (potential) role of the Global Compact for Migration and the Global Compact for Refugees in the development of EU law concerning asylum seekers who arrive at the external borders of the European Union (EU). Under the current rules, many asylum seekers are refused entry to the territory of the EU and detained while their asylum claim is examined in a border procedure. Some EU Member States even push back asylum seekers without a proper assessment of their needs for international protection. Despite widespread violations of the fundamental rights of asylum seekers at the external borders of the EU, the New Pact on Migration and Asylum presents the new integrated border procedure as an important instrument to 'deal with mixed flows' and make the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) work. However, the EU legislator has not substantiated the claim that border procedures will contribute to achieving the aims of the CEAS, such as the creation of a uniform, fair and efficient asylum procedure and prevention of abuse. Neither does the Pact provide a solution for pushbacks and systematic use of detention, nor does it guarantee the quality of the asylum procedure, including the identification of persons with special needs. The Pact therefore not only fails to comply with the EU's own Better Regulation guidelines and protect the fundamental rights of asylum seekers, but it also ignores the standards of the Global Compacts. What role can the Global Compacts still play in the ongoing negotiations over the Pact?

RESUMEN: Los golpes de estados, las dictaduras, la corrupción, los seísmos, las inundaciones, los cataclismos azotan a menudo Haití. Las condiciones político- económicas han empujado a muchos de los habitantes a buscar fuera de la isla una manera de sobrevivir. Al margen de la migración de índole económico se perfila una diáspora de intelectuales. De manera que la literatura haitiana del siglo XX se divide entre los escritores que se han quedado a vivir en Haití, los "de adentro" y los escritores repartidos por el mundo, los "de afuera". El pájaro, símbolo del fenómeno de migración servirá de guía para presentar a los autores y sus obras siguientes: L'Oiseau Schizophone (1998) de Frankétienne, Au pipirite chantant (1978) de Jean Metellus y Le Cri des oiseaux fous (1985) de Dany Laferrière. ; ABSTRACT: Coups d'etat, dictatorships, corruption, earthquakes, floods, cataclysms often devastate Haiti.The political and economic conditions have forced many inhabitants to look for a means of survival abroad. Apart from the migration for economic reasons a diasporo of intellectuals can be seen. This way 20th century Haitian literature can be divided into the writers who have stayed in Haiti, the "insiders" and the writers spread throughout the world, the "outsiders". The bird, symbol of the phenomenon of migration, will serve as a guide to present the authors and their following works: L'Oiseau Schizophone (1998) by Frankétienne, Au pipirite chantant (1978) by Jean Metellus and Le Cri des oiseaux fous (1985) by Dany Laferrière.

The societal security theory posits that extreme anti-migrant hostility – such as demands to deport all migrants unconditionally – emerges when host communities see migration as a threat to the survival of their group identity. An alternative interpretation – the immigration security dilemma – attributes extreme hostility to the human tendency to prepare for the worst under uncertainty when central authority weakens. Does extreme intergroup hostility relate more to threats framed in terms of group survival or to those framed in terms of uncertainty about government capacity and migration effects? I investigate this question empirically with the Russian national survey data (2005, N = 680) asking who in Russia supports the deportation of all internal and external migrants, legal and illegal, and their children to their places of origin – an extreme and widespread view that would require forced population movements not seen in the region since Stalin's Great Terror. In multivariate tests, agreement with the societal security (survival) rhetoric explained about five percent of variation in support for unconditional, wholesale deportation of migrants; agreement with the security dilemma (uncertainty) rhetoric – about 20%. A comparison of attitudes in the same survey to Armenian, Uzbek, Chechen, and Chinese migrants and the association of each ethnic group with different types of security threat further support this finding. Hostility toward ethnic groups viewed as a weak security threat was more diagnostic of public support for wholesale deportation of migrants than hostility toward groups viewed as a strong security threat.

Der Beitrag betrachtet die aktuelle Sozialpolitik und damit auch die Migrations- und Integrationspolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Zuge des Globalisierungsprozesses, die durch den Abbau des Wohlfahrtsstaates (Hartz-Gesetze) geprägt ist. So wird zunächst der Zusammenhang von Globalisierung, neoliberaler Modernisierung und der Krise des Sozialen beschrieben. Dabei wird auch die Kritik des Neoliberalismus am Wohlfahrtsstaat und an den (Folgen) der Zuwanderung erörtert. In diesem Zusammenhang werden anschließend die sozialen Spaltungstendenzen als Konsequenzen der neoliberalen Modernisierung dargestellt: (1) Zunahme der sozialen Polarisierung, Zerfall der (Welt-)Gesellschaft in Arm und Reich, (2) Reprivatisierung der sozialen Risiken, (3) Zweiteilung der Unterprivilegierten in 'arme Arbeitslose' und 'arbeitende Arme', (4) Dualisierung der Zuwanderung in Eliten- und Elendsmigration, (5) Ausdifferenzierung des Migrationsregimes (Anwerbung der 'besten Köpfe' und Flüchtlingsabwehr), (6) Krise der (Groß-)Stadt aufgrund sozialräumlicher Segmentierung ihrer BewohnerInnen sowie (7) Ethnisierung der sozialen Konflikte, Dualisierung des Nationalstaates und 'Modernisierung' des Rechtsextremismus. Um diesen Verläufen entgegenzutreten, werden abschließend die alternativen Handlungsmöglichkeiten (1) der Bekämpfung der Armut, (2) des Ausbaus des Wohlfahrtsstaates, (3) der Entwicklung einer neuen Kultur der Solidarität sowie (4) der Anerkennung von Migration als Menschenrecht und Normalität in einer offenen Welt dargestellt. (ICG2)

Preliminary Material -- Introduction -- Keywords -- Differences and Similarities in History -- Colonial Acculturation and Belonging -- Paramaribo and Asmara as Culture-Contact Zones -- Postcolonial Encounters: Arriving in Italy and in the Netherlands -- A Labour Niche for Postcolonial Migrant Women -- Narratives and Practices of Work and Identity -- Ethnicisation of Care and Domestic Skills -- Racism at Work, under Colonial Legacies -- Conclusions -- Appendices -- Bibliography -- Index.

"This paper considers two common assumptions that often arise in the empirical literature on xenophobia-namely that xenophobic attitudes are found mostly among the poorly educated, and that xenophobia mainly concerns immigrants from low social classes and from geographically and culturally disparate nations. These arguments will be discussed in the context of the migration of high-skilled Germans to Switzerland, a phenomenon that has increased markedly in the last few years, leading to major controversies. A survey conducted in the city of Zurich has shown that Germans are considered less likable than other Western Europeans. Over the course of my analyses, two arguments are tested. First, I consider whether the boundaries between culturally similar groups are actually less fragile than those occurring between more dissimilar groups. Following this line of reasoning, we consider whether Swiss-Germans' popularly evoked 'inferiority complex' towards Germans might lead Swiss-Germans to perceive German immigration as a cultural threat. Second, I consider whether well-educated people in high positions may feel threatened by new arrivals who are similarly well-educated. This rationale corresponds to the classic argument that working class people are xenophobic out of a fear that immigrants will take their jobs. Ultimately, this study finds empirical support for both arguments." (author's abstract)

In his exploration of overlapping territories and intertwined histories, Edward Said declares "appeals to the past, are among the commonest of strategies in interpretations of the present." Ethiopians and other interrelated Horn-of-African groups living in the Diaspora embody the tenets of Said's argument. This observation led to a search for modalities to interpret the meanings of how and why this was the case. In response to this phenomenon, this research sought to ascertain the nexus between personal, cultural and national histories when reading contemporary expressions of Ethiopian identities. Utilizing a mixed methods approach, this dissertation examines the historical roots of contemporary representations of Ethiopians and other interrelated identities in Canada. Oral histories, Canadian archival records and other forms of representation are examined in this thesis to discern the roots of an Ethiopian identity premised on a legacy of historical visibility. Roots of the most prevalent self-ascribed and super-imposed representations and perceptions of Ethiopia and Ethiopians are situated within an intersecting Canadian and Ethiopian historical framework. Hallmark representations of Ethiopian identities evidenced in Canadian society are contextualized through the identification and examination of four key points of intersection in Ethiopian and Canadian history in the twentieth century. The four major catalysts for the permeation of Ethiopian identity chronicled are: the Abyssinian Crisis and Italo-Ethiopian War (1934-36), Ethiopian participation at Expo 67 (1967), the African/Ethiopian famine of 1984-88, and Ethiopian Migration and Settlement in Canada (1974- present). A macro, meso and micro framework of analysis is applied to each period to demonstrate the prevalence of representations. As an exclusively Canadian case study, this dissertation demonstrates the ways in which Ethiopia and representative symbols of Ethiopian history and identity were highly visible within an interpretive framework of both world and Canadian history. In conjunction with existing scholarship and paradigms of Ethiopian studies globally (classical, literary, political and religious), this dissertation historicizes the Canadian manifestations of various signifiers and perceptions of Ethiopian identities throughout the twentieth century. This dissertation contributes to the existing scholarship on Ethiopians and other interrelated Africans in Canada. It also contributes to studies on migration, identity and Canada-Africa relations more broadly. Keywords Canada-Africa relations, Ethiopians in Canada, Habesha in Canada, History of Ethiopian Representation, Italo-Ethiopian War, Expo 67, Ethiopian Famine, Oral History, Migration and Identity, Second Generation Horn-of-Africa Youth, Ethiopian Food, Canadian Culture, Canadian Politics, Africa and The Commonwealth, Africa and La Francophonie

Dieser Band fokussiert den multidimensionalen Begriff der Grenze und greift aktuelle Debatten zu Integration und Migration, Ordnungspolitik und Grenzkonflikten um Grenzziehungen, Grenzauseinandersetzungen, Grenzverletzungen und Grenzüberschreitungen auf.

This edited collection about migration in Nigeria reflects on the state's use of power in society, particularly in Africa.

On the indentured Indian labor from India and their migration into various British Colonies; a study

Einleitung zu der ca. 950 S. (3 Bände) umfassenden 'National Migration Study'. 1970-80, mit Ausblick bis 1985. (DÜI-Etr)