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AbstractThe notion that shame is a global emotion, one which takes the whole self as its focus, has long enjoyed a near consensus in both the psychological and philosophical literature. Recently, however, a number of philosophers have questioned this conventional wisdom: on their view, most everyday instances of shame are not global, but are instead limited to a specific aspect of one's identity. I argue that this objection stems from an overemphasis on the cognitive dimension of shame. Its proponents cannot make sense of global shame because they only understand the emotion in terms of an intellectual self-evaluation, where I am ashamed upon assessing myself to have disappointed a particular standard or ideal. However, when shame is understood as arising early on in life from one's threatened connection with others, and as having affective, embodied, and unconscious aspects alongside its later cognitive ones, the intuition that it feels all-encompassing makes more sense. Our earliest experiences of shame, which are largely devoid of complex cognitive content, are global because they are experienced as casting doubt upon our lovability in general. It is only later, as cognition develops, that we learn to hang this sense of overall defectiveness, which is reawakened in subsequent shame experiences, onto specific parts of the self. While this might lead us in adulthood to intellectually understand our shame as having a local basis, such as a failed norm or ideal, its global phenomenology will remain.

As a singular witness and actor of the tumultuous 20th century, Ernst Jünger remains a controversial and enigmatic figure known above all for his vivid autobiographical accounts of experience in the trenches of the First World War. This article will argue that throughout his entire oeuvre, from personal diaries to novels and essays, he never ceased to grapple with what he viewed as the central question of the age, namely that of the problem of nihilism and the means to overcome it. Inherited from Nietzsche's diagnosis of Western civilization in the late 19th century, to which he added an acute observation of the particular role of technology within it, Jünger would employ this lens to make sense of the seemingly absurd industrial slaughter of modern war and herald the advent of a new voluntarist and bellicist order that was to imminently sweep away timorous and decadent bourgeois societies obsessed with security and self-preservation. Jünger would ultimately see his expectations dashed, including by the forms of rule that National Socialism would take, and eventually retreated into a reclusive quietism. Yet he never abandoned his central problematique of nihilism, developing it further in exchanges with Martin Heidegger after the Second World War. And for all the ways in which he may have erred, his life-long struggle with meaning in the age of technique and its implications for war and security continues to make Jünger a valuable interlocutor of the present.

Current changes in the intimate sphere are denoted by an expansion of emotional vocabularies, of freedom in sex and sexual preference, and the extension of sexual life with neither inhibition, nor obligation, nor marriage for both women and men. This reading of the works of Jean-Claude Kaufmann and Niklas Luhmann suggests that the result of this current revolution of the intimate sphere is mixed. A new differentiated form of the intimate sphere has developed with an internal distinction between sex qua leisure and committed love-relationality. Although sex qua leisure is mediated by the new communications technology, this technological mediation is not what is important here. Rather, the actions are configured and mediated by the neo-liberal paradigm by all participants. Leisure-sex is simply a game that combines autonomy, leisure, power and rational choice – a combination that is open to men and women alike. But there is still love, and in ways that enable it to be expressed beyond traditional forms. From the position of committed love-relationality, rather than marriage, love is between people – but it is a different between to the one of leisure sex. Love is double-sided: whilst heightening a sense of self-orientation, one is also focused on an other. Love involves all kinds of complexity in the everyday because it involves the well-being of an other or others – with joys and heartaches, responsibilities and conflicts.

International audience ; Although he played a significant part in the history of legal positivism, John Austin is not very well known in France. Successively a lawyer, a professor of jurisprudence and a Royal commissionner, he only published one book during his life, based on his lectures. In The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, Austin develops a concept of law which is, although influenced by the greatest english philosophers, very peculiar for the time. By reducing the subject of jurisprudence to a set of commands accompanied by sanctions and generated by a generally obeyed sovereign, Austin sets the foundations of modern positivism (s). He also rejects systematic presentations of legislation and creates a new legal discipline which appears in Great-Britain during the XIXth century : general jurisprudence, now better known as legal theory. ; Alors qu'il a joué un rôle certain dans l'histoire du positivisme juridique, John Austin demeure peu connu en France. Successivement avocat, professeur de jurisprudence et chargé de mission pour la Couronne britannique, il n'a publié qu'un seul ouvrage de son vivant à partir de ses cours. Dans The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, Austin développe une conception du droit qui, si elle reçoit l'influence des philosophes britanniques, n'en est pas moins original pour l'époque. Par une réduction de l'objet de la jurisprudence à un ensemble de commandements assortis d'une sanction et posés par un souverain habituellement obéi, Austin jette les bases des positivismes modernes. Il rompt aussi avec l'exposé systématique du droit positif pour fonder une discipline nouvelle dans la Grande-Bretagne du XIXème siècle : la jurisprudence générale, plus connue désormais sous le nom de théorie générale du droit.

International audience ; Although he played a significant part in the history of legal positivism, John Austin is not very well known in France. Successively a lawyer, a professor of jurisprudence and a Royal commissionner, he only published one book during his life, based on his lectures. In The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, Austin develops a concept of law which is, although influenced by the greatest english philosophers, very peculiar for the time. By reducing the subject of jurisprudence to a set of commands accompanied by sanctions and generated by a generally obeyed sovereign, Austin sets the foundations of modern positivism (s). He also rejects systematic presentations of legislation and creates a new legal discipline which appears in Great-Britain during the XIXth century : general jurisprudence, now better known as legal theory. ; Alors qu'il a joué un rôle certain dans l'histoire du positivisme juridique, John Austin demeure peu connu en France. Successivement avocat, professeur de jurisprudence et chargé de mission pour la Couronne britannique, il n'a publié qu'un seul ouvrage de son vivant à partir de ses cours. Dans The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, Austin développe une conception du droit qui, si elle reçoit l'influence des philosophes britanniques, n'en est pas moins original pour l'époque. Par une réduction de l'objet de la jurisprudence à un ensemble de commandements assortis d'une sanction et posés par un souverain habituellement obéi, Austin jette les bases des positivismes modernes. Il rompt aussi avec l'exposé systématique du droit positif pour fonder une discipline nouvelle dans la Grande-Bretagne du XIXème siècle : la jurisprudence générale, plus connue désormais sous le nom de théorie générale du droit.

International audience ; Although he played a significant part in the history of legal positivism, John Austin is not very well known in France. Successively a lawyer, a professor of jurisprudence and a Royal commissionner, he only published one book during his life, based on his lectures. In The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, Austin develops a concept of law which is, although influenced by the greatest english philosophers, very peculiar for the time. By reducing the subject of jurisprudence to a set of commands accompanied by sanctions and generated by a generally obeyed sovereign, Austin sets the foundations of modern positivism (s). He also rejects systematic presentations of legislation and creates a new legal discipline which appears in Great-Britain during the XIXth century : general jurisprudence, now better known as legal theory. ; Alors qu'il a joué un rôle certain dans l'histoire du positivisme juridique, John Austin demeure peu connu en France. Successivement avocat, professeur de jurisprudence et chargé de mission pour la Couronne britannique, il n'a publié qu'un seul ouvrage de son vivant à partir de ses cours. Dans The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, Austin développe une conception du droit qui, si elle reçoit l'influence des philosophes britanniques, n'en est pas moins original pour l'époque. Par une réduction de l'objet de la jurisprudence à un ensemble de commandements assortis d'une sanction et posés par un souverain habituellement obéi, Austin jette les bases des positivismes modernes. Il rompt aussi avec l'exposé systématique du droit positif pour fonder une discipline nouvelle dans la Grande-Bretagne du XIXème siècle : la jurisprudence générale, plus connue désormais sous le nom de théorie générale du droit.

Статья посвящена изучению специфики социальной работы, осуществляемой на приходах Русской православной церкви Московского патриархата. Опираясь на данные количественных и качественных исследований социальной деятельности приходов РПЦ, авторы дают оценку масштабам церковной социальной деятельности в России, а также характеризуют специфику этой деятельности по отношению к профессиональной социальной работе. В статье делается вывод о том, что социальная работа на приходах РПЦ не укладывается в рамки понимания социальной работы как профессиональной помощи нуждающимся. Авторы предполагают, что попытки профессионализации и бюрократизации приходской социальной деятельности, в том числе навязывание приходам отчетности по набору количественных показателей, могут привести к минимизации наиболее значимой для населения части приходской социальной деятельности. ; The paper explores the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) parish-based social work specifics. The Russian government call for Church participation in welfare provision on the one hand and the emphasize on the social work in church life, made by Patriarchy, on the other, are followed by the attempts of the parish-based social practices formalization. Analyzing the quantitative and qualitative data on parish-based social work in Russia, authors make the evaluation of the ROC's social work scope in the country and characterize this' activity specific features in comparison with the professional social work. The article comes to the conclusion, that the bigger part of the parish-based social work in Russia is performed as informal practices of daily mutual aid by non-professionals and it doesn't fit narrow frame of the professional aid to the needy. The authors suggest, that the attempts of the church social work professionalization, such as formal reports and quantitative indicators may push parishes towards the minimization of their informal social activity, so significant for general population.

The youths of any nation are the bedrock of her development, through viable socio-political and economic contributions. They are the indispensable agents of change that can turn the table round for better, especially in developing nations. The natural psycho-biological development of youths and young adults, living in a nation going through socio-political economic and security challenges, coupled with their being nurtured in some cases through faulty parenting, have manifested in the typology of Nigerian youths. The nation now has a high number of misguided youths who portray demeaning image about Nigeria. This study, hinged on Elkind's (1967) constructionists' perspective of adolescents' cognitive development and womanists' theory as opined by Hudson-Weems (1993) and Kolawole (1997), to the effect that the desire of the agitating African women is complementarity with men in all aspects of life. With these views; exemplified with excerpts from randomly selected Yoruba dramatic, prosaic, and poetic texts, this essay submits that improper parenting, peer group pressure, excessive drive for material wealth, unemployment, poverty, inaccessibility to social and financial aids as experienced by the youths, are some of the reasons why the future appears bleak for Nigeria. The study recommends collective responsibility by parents, to become positive role models for their children by spending undivided and qualitative time with them, thus creating a good and safe environment for their children to be free to express themselves. Corporate organizations and religious bodies should pay back to the society by organizing workshops and low-capital focused entrepreneurial seminars for the youths. Government should as a matter of urgency, put massive employment generation on priority list, ensure a drastic reduction in the years of working experience required before youths' employment and ensure desirable remuneration for employed youths by individual and corporate bodies.

Most thinkers former Muslims are not able to escape the "sanctity" the text of the Qur'an, so that in researching the texts of the Qur'an they are not able to get out of the sanctity of the Qur'an as Allah's revelation. However, there are some Muslim scholars to position the text of the Qur'an as a text to be studied scientifically. Among these scientist is Khalil Abdul Karim, who explains that the Qur'an describes many stories of people who indicated earlier that Islam is not a new pure religion. Khalil Abdul Karim explained that the historicity contained in the Qur'an shows that the Islamic religion is closely related to the life or customs of the Arabs before Islam arrived. This article suggests that historicity of the Qur'an which is evidence that the majority of Islamic law derived from the Arabs in pre-Islamic Arab socio-cultural perspective study, thought Khalil Abdul Karim. Exploration data obtained from several sources, are analyzed using the content analysis, the process of decomposition of the data, drafting and preparation in a new way. The steps taken in the content analysis covering, open coding, axial coding, and selective coding.The results showed that the thought of Khalil Abdul Karim caused a variety of responses from various groups, both positive and negative responses. In analyzing the texts of the Qur'an, Khalil Abdul Karim use asbab al-nuzul rules who is no stranger to the science of the Qur'an. Khalil Abdul Karim takes a historical approach in their search, so the kind of thought saying that the tradition of pre-Islamic Arab tribes was the forerunner to the practice of sharia law, which includes worship, social, punishment, war and politics. In other words, Islam legalize the tradition of pre-Islamic Arab tribes as sharia law, either with or without slightest revision.

Numéro dirigé par Jérôme Meizoz, avec Jean-Michel Adam et Panayota Badinou ; International audience ; In Une Femme (Gallimard, 1987 ; translation : A Woman's Story, Seven Story Press, 1991), a story published by Gallimard in 1987, recounting the life of her mother, Annie Ernaux states: "This is not a biography, nor is it a novel, of course [.]. It was necessary for my mother, born into a dominated environment, from which she wanted to escape, to become a story, so that I would feel less alone and factitious in the dominant world of words and ideas where, according to her desire, I passed" (p. 106). More generally, the writer's work, which she deliberately situates 'below literature, [.] somewhere between literature, sociology and history' (Ibidem, p. 23), could be described as being at the crossroads of literary autobiography and what sociologists call auto-(socio)analysis, or autosociobiography.After having defined this ambivalent posture, I attempt to objectify the hesitations, both generic and stylistic, that led to her entry into writing, and the determinants and issues that are indissociably political and literary in the forms of "white", "flat", and stripped-down writing that progressively mark the writer's textual specificity. By making Annie Ernaux's texts an object of sociological study, I try to grasp the modalities and effects of this improbable positioning, aiming to blur the boundaries between literature and sociology, before taking the measure of the (strategic) ambiguity of such a project, by underlining the symbolic benefits, but also the intrinsic limits of Annie Ernaux's strategy. Beyond a "sociopoetic" reading (Viala) of her literary identity, it is therefore also to the outline of a sociology of (literary) uses of sociological knowledge that I would like to invite. ; Dans Une Femme, récit publié chez Gallimard en 1987 retraçant la vie de sa mère, Annie Ernaux affirme : « Ceci n'est pas une biographie, ni un roman naturellement [.]. Il fallait que ma mère, née dans un milieu dominé, dont elle ...

Numéro dirigé par Jérôme Meizoz, avec Jean-Michel Adam et Panayota Badinou ; International audience ; In Une Femme (Gallimard, 1987 ; translation : A Woman's Story, Seven Story Press, 1991), a story published by Gallimard in 1987, recounting the life of her mother, Annie Ernaux states: "This is not a biography, nor is it a novel, of course [.]. It was necessary for my mother, born into a dominated environment, from which she wanted to escape, to become a story, so that I would feel less alone and factitious in the dominant world of words and ideas where, according to her desire, I passed" (p. 106). More generally, the writer's work, which she deliberately situates 'below literature, [.] somewhere between literature, sociology and history' (Ibidem, p. 23), could be described as being at the crossroads of literary autobiography and what sociologists call auto-(socio)analysis, or autosociobiography.After having defined this ambivalent posture, I attempt to objectify the hesitations, both generic and stylistic, that led to her entry into writing, and the determinants and issues that are indissociably political and literary in the forms of "white", "flat", and stripped-down writing that progressively mark the writer's textual specificity. By making Annie Ernaux's texts an object of sociological study, I try to grasp the modalities and effects of this improbable positioning, aiming to blur the boundaries between literature and sociology, before taking the measure of the (strategic) ambiguity of such a project, by underlining the symbolic benefits, but also the intrinsic limits of Annie Ernaux's strategy. Beyond a "sociopoetic" reading (Viala) of her literary identity, it is therefore also to the outline of a sociology of (literary) uses of sociological knowledge that I would like to invite. ; Dans Une Femme, récit publié chez Gallimard en 1987 retraçant la vie de sa mère, Annie Ernaux affirme : « Ceci n'est pas une biographie, ni un roman naturellement [.]. Il fallait que ma mère, née dans un milieu dominé, dont elle ...

Numéro dirigé par Jérôme Meizoz, avec Jean-Michel Adam et Panayota Badinou ; International audience ; In Une Femme (Gallimard, 1987 ; translation : A Woman's Story, Seven Story Press, 1991), a story published by Gallimard in 1987, recounting the life of her mother, Annie Ernaux states: "This is not a biography, nor is it a novel, of course [.]. It was necessary for my mother, born into a dominated environment, from which she wanted to escape, to become a story, so that I would feel less alone and factitious in the dominant world of words and ideas where, according to her desire, I passed" (p. 106). More generally, the writer's work, which she deliberately situates 'below literature, [.] somewhere between literature, sociology and history' (Ibidem, p. 23), could be described as being at the crossroads of literary autobiography and what sociologists call auto-(socio)analysis, or autosociobiography.After having defined this ambivalent posture, I attempt to objectify the hesitations, both generic and stylistic, that led to her entry into writing, and the determinants and issues that are indissociably political and literary in the forms of "white", "flat", and stripped-down writing that progressively mark the writer's textual specificity. By making Annie Ernaux's texts an object of sociological study, I try to grasp the modalities and effects of this improbable positioning, aiming to blur the boundaries between literature and sociology, before taking the measure of the (strategic) ambiguity of such a project, by underlining the symbolic benefits, but also the intrinsic limits of Annie Ernaux's strategy. Beyond a "sociopoetic" reading (Viala) of her literary identity, it is therefore also to the outline of a sociology of (literary) uses of sociological knowledge that I would like to invite. ; Dans Une Femme, récit publié chez Gallimard en 1987 retraçant la vie de sa mère, Annie Ernaux affirme : « Ceci n'est pas une biographie, ni un roman naturellement [.]. Il fallait que ma mère, née dans un milieu dominé, dont elle ...

Numéro dirigé par Jérôme Meizoz, avec Jean-Michel Adam et Panayota Badinou ; International audience ; In Une Femme (Gallimard, 1987 ; translation : A Woman's Story, Seven Story Press, 1991), a story published by Gallimard in 1987, recounting the life of her mother, Annie Ernaux states: "This is not a biography, nor is it a novel, of course [.]. It was necessary for my mother, born into a dominated environment, from which she wanted to escape, to become a story, so that I would feel less alone and factitious in the dominant world of words and ideas where, according to her desire, I passed" (p. 106). More generally, the writer's work, which she deliberately situates 'below literature, [.] somewhere between literature, sociology and history' (Ibidem, p. 23), could be described as being at the crossroads of literary autobiography and what sociologists call auto-(socio)analysis, or autosociobiography.After having defined this ambivalent posture, I attempt to objectify the hesitations, both generic and stylistic, that led to her entry into writing, and the determinants and issues that are indissociably political and literary in the forms of "white", "flat", and stripped-down writing that progressively mark the writer's textual specificity. By making Annie Ernaux's texts an object of sociological study, I try to grasp the modalities and effects of this improbable positioning, aiming to blur the boundaries between literature and sociology, before taking the measure of the (strategic) ambiguity of such a project, by underlining the symbolic benefits, but also the intrinsic limits of Annie Ernaux's strategy. Beyond a "sociopoetic" reading (Viala) of her literary identity, it is therefore also to the outline of a sociology of (literary) uses of sociological knowledge that I would like to invite. ; Dans Une Femme, récit publié chez Gallimard en 1987 retraçant la vie de sa mère, Annie Ernaux affirme : « Ceci n'est pas une biographie, ni un roman naturellement [.]. Il fallait que ma mère, née dans un milieu dominé, dont elle ...