Suchergebnisse

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

With the 'third wave of democratization', South Korea joined the democracy club in the late 1980s. Although electoral performance and the party system have changed since the transition to democracy, there has been little systematic examination of the changes. In this article, we conduct an empirical test after developing a theoretical argument about why democratization leads to change. Before democratization, the manipulation of electoral laws and the urban–rural cleavage dominated Korean elections. After democratization, the electoral rules stabilized and opposition parties were given a fair chance to win the election. However, the average life of political parties shortened because of regionalism and personalism. There is now reason to believe that personalism may be set to diminish, thus encouraging authentic structural cleavages to emerge and shape Korean party politics in the coming years.

Despite Flanders is often presented as a handbook example of strong regionalism, the organization of a referendum on Flemish independence has never been on the political agenda. This article explains the reasons for the absence of a self-determination referendum in Flanders and shows that, since the 2000s, the omnipresence of the self-rule issue at the top of the political agenda is not–per se –a direct responseto regionalist demandsof Flemish voters or the Flemish political class. Instead, it is the consociational features of the Belgian political system that enhance intra-community party competition and contribute to the escalade of inter-community conflicts. This mostly explains the deep constitutional crises of the late 2000s and early 2010s. In this context, we can better understand why Flanders independence is supported neither by a majority of the population (9.5 percent), nor its representatives (except those belonging to one of the two regionalist parties, N-VA and VB).

David Mitrany is known as the founder of international functionalism. His seminal book, A Working Peace System, dates from 1943 & remains remarkably topical. In defending a global conception of security & a liberal interpretation of peace, his arguments are at the crux of debates on the future of multilateralism. But they also have their weaknesses. An overly rational viewpoint on international behavior & a disproportionate belief in the dynamics of common needs end up suggesting that political conflicts can be resolved by debates among experts. However, these rather standard criticisms in no way detract from Mitrany's intuitions, whether they pertain to the advent of "human security" or the limits of political regionalism. Even more so, it is the quest for a method for "making peace" that constitutes the most novel contribution of Mitrany's functionalism. Pragmatic in its inspiration, it constitutes an unusual approach among international relations scholars. A real practical philosophy, it is also a lesson for their research to study from. Adapted from the source document.

This work focuses on regional collaborative processes observed in Southern California and in the San Francisco Bay Area. These processes are part of a broader movement, labeled as new regionalism, which affects the American metropolises that are facing major evolutions of their spatial and social forms in a context of global economical competition. These dynamics interact with the regional political economy characterized by two shifts: First, an opposition between the growth coalition that have traditionally ruled the two regions and recent slow-growth movements that have affected the power of the coalition, and then, a shift between proponents of the home rule and the regionalist reformers who historically made several attempts towards regional form of governance. Our work indeed shows that the dynamics of new regionalism can be interpreted as an adaptation of the traditional growth coalition to the changing regional political economy. It also reveals several streams within Californian regionalism, each showing different system of values, methods, objectives and operating and distinctive scales within the region. Even if they diverge of many aspects, the various regional organizations resulting from these dynamics seems to be somehow complementary and to draw an original form of regional power. ; Ce travail porte sur les dynamiques de coopération municipale dans les agglomérations de Los Angeles et San Francisco. Ces dynamiques de coopération renvoient à un mouvement plus général, qualifié de nouveau régionalisme, qui affecte l'ensemble des métropoles étatsuniennes, soumises à la fois à la pression de la compétition économique mondiale et à des transformations morphologique profondes. Ces dynamiques dépendent également des logiques de construction du maillage territorial et résultent d'un double rapport de force : d'une part, entre les élites tirant profit de la valorisation foncière de la ville et les opposants à l'urbanisation, et d'autre part, entre les partisans de l'autonomie locale et les promoteurs des nombreuses tentatives d'intégration régionale qui ont marqué l'histoire des deux principales agglomérations californiennes. Ce travail montre ainsi qu'à de nombreux égards, les manifestations du nouveau régionalisme peuvent être interprétées comme une adaptation des coalitions de croissance aux mutations récentes des agglomérations. Il met également en évidence l'existence de plusieurs courants constitutifs du régionalisme qui renvoient à des systèmes de valeurs, des objectifs et des modes opératoires distincts, et qui recouvrent des échelons territoriaux différents. Parfois en contradiction, les organisations inspirées de ces différents courants semblent néanmoins s'articuler pour proposer une forme de leadership régional original.

In recent years, the Americas have witnessed an unprecedented surge in the number and scope of regional integration agreements, resulting in a complex 'spaghetti bowl' of trade and economic relations. What are the consequences of this proliferation of overlapping and parallel institutional commitments among countries in the region? How has this increasing regime complexity affected the dynamics of cooperation among Latin American countries? And what does the case of overlapping regional agreements in the Americas tell us about the effects of regime complexity on regional governance? Drawing on the literature on international regime complexity, I identify three mechanisms through which the proliferation of regional agreements have undermined the effectiveness of cooperation in the Americas: by introducing legal fragmentation and rule ambiguity; by facilitating cross-institutional political strategies that allow countries to behave in opportunistic ways; and through competition and other feedback effects that work to erode regional unity. The article has implications for two broader literatures in international relations: work on international regime complexity and scholarship on regionalism and regional trade agreements. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractWhether or not bilateralism and regionalism have threatened multilateralism has been debated in the literature. In recent years, the United States has argued that the increasing numbers of regional and bilateral trading arrangements made under the Bush administration are 'complementary' to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Accordingly, the case of Taiwan's bilateral trade negotiations with the United States and its accession to the WTO provide a useful case study for examining the relations between bilateralism and multilateralism. This article not only aims to study the role of bilateralism and multilateralism in Taiwan's liberalization process, it also seeks to compare the two types of trade diplomacy in terms of power relations, decision-making and negotiation, and the influence of negotiation on economic liberalization. The article is divided into three sections: the first section focuses on US–Taiwan bilateral trade negotiations during the 1970s and 1980s; the second section mainly discusses the process of Taiwan's WTO accession; and the final section examines Taiwan's bilateral and multilateral trade diplomacy after its accession.

This article argues that Latin American regionalism in international law is a direct consequence of a 'creole legal consciousness' meaning a shared basic assumption about the origins of law in the region (as coming from Europe through Roman law and Spanish law) as well as a belief in the uniqueness of an American (as in the continent) interpretation and development of that law. Those who participate of such a consciousness assume themselves as being part of the metropolitan centre (as descendants of Europeans), while at the same time challenging the centre with notions of their own regional uniqueness (as natives of America). Creole consciousness about international law was an instrument of nation and region building during the 19th century. This led to a discussion of the actual existence of a regional international law '[Latin] American international law' (derecho internacional Americano) in the first half of the 20th century. The article concludes with a look at how a regional perspective was also inherent in the construction of a human rights regime in the second half of the twentieth century. Adapted from the source document.

В работе раскрывается необходимость реформирования ООН в свете современных реалий. Рассматривается эффективность применения принципа регионализма при принятии решений в рамках ООН. Анализируется позиция Европейского союза относительно эффективности деятельности ООН и возможности включения в ее деятельность региональных организаций. ; The article reveals the need of UN reform in the light of contemporary realities. The effectiveness and necessity of regionalism in the UN system of decision-making process are also considered in this article. The author analyses the position of the EU concerning the effectiveness of the UN activity and the ability to include the main bodies of its regional organizations to the UN work.

Trade and investment flows between Taiwan and the mainland China's coastal provinces have increased several fold since the early 1980s. Many provinces of south-east China have become more integrated with Taiwan and Hongkong than with any other part of mainland China. It thus seems that growing regionalism in mainland China will lead to coordination with Taiwan through trade and investment despite political constraints. The author explores the feasibility of this integration and estimates its probable impact on the predominantly Chinese communities of East Asia. (DÜI-Sen)

This volume explores the implications of pluralism for international order. Distinguished contributors from around the world offer insights into the character of a pluralistic world order. They focus especially on the manifestations of international pluralism in great power relations, multilateralism, and regionalism. Contributors examine the myriad challenges a pluralistic world order will face in the years ahead, yet they eschew alarmist conclusions. There is still scope for the great powers to better manage their relations, and equally important, much space for multilateralism and regionalism to play their increasingly important roles in stabilizing world order. Distinctive in bringing the themes of pluralism and world order together in both theoretical exposition and policy discussion, this book offers a stimulating reading for scholars and practitioners of world politics. Feng Zhang is Professor of International Relations and Executive Dean of the Institute of Public Policy at the South China University of Technology in Guangzhou, and editor of the series in which this book appears. He studies Sino-American relations, Chinese foreign policy in East Asia, international relations in East Asian history, and international relations theory. He is the author of Chinese Hegemony: Grand Strategy and International Institutions in East Asian History (Stanford, 2015) and, with Professor Richard Ned Lebow, of Taming Sino-American Rivalry (Oxford, 2020) and Justice and International Order: East and West (Oxford, 2022)