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In the light of growing political and religious fundamentalism, this open access book defends the idea of freedom as paramount for the attempt to find common ethical ground in the age of globality. The book sets out to examine as yet unexhausted ways to boost the resilience of the principle of liberalism. Critically reviewing the last 200 years of the philosophy of freedom, it revises the principle of liberty in order to revive it. It discusses many different aspects that fall under its three main topics: the metaphysics of freedom, quantitative freedom and qualitative freedom. Open societies worldwide have come under increasing pressure in the last decades. The belief that politics and markets fare best when guided by the principle of liberty presently faces multiple challenges such as terrorism, climate warming, inequality, populism, and financial crises. In the view of its critics, the idea of freedom no longer offers adequate guidance to meet these challenges and should be partially corrected or even entirely replaced by countervailing values. Against the reduction of freedom to the merely quantitative question as to how much liberties individuals call their own, this book draws attention to the qualitative concerns which and whose opportunities society should foster. It argues that, correctly understood, the idea of liberty commits us to defend as well as advance the freedom of each and every world citizen.

« Mother country » was a frequent term throughout the French Revolution, and as such, well known among historians of the period. But the implications of the term have often remained unclear. We explore the discursive aspects of this imagery through two angles. We look first at political representation, showing how maternal representations could both establish the republican nation as above its citizens and encourage equality among citizen-children. Conversely, we look at patriotic texts in which mothers were glorified as teachers or consoled for the loss of their sons. In such works, mothers were imagined not in a position of superiority, but rather as essential intermediaries between the political power of the sovereign nation and the sons they were to sacrifice to it. ; La « mère patrie » est une notion souvent rencontrée dans le cours de la Révolution française et, comme telle, assez bien connue des historiens de la période. Nous avons choisi de nous pencher sur la dimension discursive de cette « imagerie républicaine » à travers deux axes : d'une part, en interrogeant le caractère maternel de cette représentation du politique qui, par sa dimension parentale, semble lui conférer une position de surplomb ; d'autre part, en interrogeant les différents types d'incarnations maternelles dans les textes patriotiques : qu'elles y soient glorifiées comme éducatrices ou consolées de la perte de leurs fils, les mères sont pensées comme des intermédiaires du pouvoir, placées non plus en position de surplomb mais bien entre l'autorité souveraine du politique et les fils qu'elles doivent lui sacrifier

« Mother country » was a frequent term throughout the French Revolution, and as such, well known among historians of the period. But the implications of the term have often remained unclear. We explore the discursive aspects of this imagery through two angles. We look first at political representation, showing how maternal representations could both establish the republican nation as above its citizens and encourage equality among citizen-children. Conversely, we look at patriotic texts in which mothers were glorified as teachers or consoled for the loss of their sons. In such works, mothers were imagined not in a position of superiority, but rather as essential intermediaries between the political power of the sovereign nation and the sons they were to sacrifice to it. ; La « mère patrie » est une notion souvent rencontrée dans le cours de la Révolution française et, comme telle, assez bien connue des historiens de la période. Nous avons choisi de nous pencher sur la dimension discursive de cette « imagerie républicaine » à travers deux axes : d'une part, en interrogeant le caractère maternel de cette représentation du politique qui, par sa dimension parentale, semble lui conférer une position de surplomb ; d'autre part, en interrogeant les différents types d'incarnations maternelles dans les textes patriotiques : qu'elles y soient glorifiées comme éducatrices ou consolées de la perte de leurs fils, les mères sont pensées comme des intermédiaires du pouvoir, placées non plus en position de surplomb mais bien entre l'autorité souveraine du politique et les fils qu'elles doivent lui sacrifier

« Mother country » was a frequent term throughout the French Revolution, and as such, well known among historians of the period. But the implications of the term have often remained unclear. We explore the discursive aspects of this imagery through two angles. We look first at political representation, showing how maternal representations could both establish the republican nation as above its citizens and encourage equality among citizen-children. Conversely, we look at patriotic texts in which mothers were glorified as teachers or consoled for the loss of their sons. In such works, mothers were imagined not in a position of superiority, but rather as essential intermediaries between the political power of the sovereign nation and the sons they were to sacrifice to it. ; La « mère patrie » est une notion souvent rencontrée dans le cours de la Révolution française et, comme telle, assez bien connue des historiens de la période. Nous avons choisi de nous pencher sur la dimension discursive de cette « imagerie républicaine » à travers deux axes : d'une part, en interrogeant le caractère maternel de cette représentation du politique qui, par sa dimension parentale, semble lui conférer une position de surplomb ; d'autre part, en interrogeant les différents types d'incarnations maternelles dans les textes patriotiques : qu'elles y soient glorifiées comme éducatrices ou consolées de la perte de leurs fils, les mères sont pensées comme des intermédiaires du pouvoir, placées non plus en position de surplomb mais bien entre l'autorité souveraine du politique et les fils qu'elles doivent lui sacrifier

In order to understand immigration sentiment and its relationship to other concepts in the Italian general election campaign of 2018 and the European election campaign of 2019, we collected in two corpora all the tweets in the Italian language containing the word "immigration" in the period preceding the vote. Both corpora underwent a sentiment analysis and a stop word analysis using two textual software packages: Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) (Pennebaker et al., 2015) and WORDij. LIWC was originally designed by James Pennebaker to understand how some patients recover from traumatic experiences by writing about those experiences and the emotions associated with it then and afterwards. LIWC consists of a dictionary of words which assesses the percent that they occur in a given text. LIWC analysis provides a measure of positive and negative emotion in the immigration text over time. WORDij is a text analysis program that can compute a Z-Score or the relative proportional test of difference between words and words pairs in two sets of texts. Using an include list of stop words we can determine how these relational words change over time with an emotional valence and Z-score to assess the immigration political debate over time. The paper represents a focus on stop-words, which have been an aspect of textual analysis that is often dismissed yet can be very important to our understanding of relational power

The purpose of this study is to examine the processes of participation of migrant-led organisations and migrant communities in the Irish 'intercultural' sector, and also the broader third sector. The rational behind this research is to gain an understanding of the types and levels of participation in order to ascertain if inequities exist between the involvement of migrant communities and indigenous Irish people. Participation is assessed in relation to the emergence of barriers to participation, and how involvement is supported and facilitated by the organisations and the intercultural sector in general. This qualitative research utilises a critical ethnography, which integrates aspects of ethnography and critical enquiry in order to identify relationships between power and culture. The conclusions of this report have determined that inequalities exist for migrant-led organisations and communities in terms of their ability to participate in the sector and in the broader third sector. The issues that arose include; funding issues, disparate levels of influence between Irish NGOs and migrant-led organisations, formal participation in networks, a lack of informal connections with indigenous Irish people in government and civil society, and localised conceptions of community. Problems with perceptions and trust permeated these issues. This report recommends a recognition by Pobail of 'culture as community', the implementation of the funding recommendations made by the Fitzpatrick Report, the participation of intercultural organisations on funding advisory committees and greater support from funding bodies with application processes.

Analyzes the political, social, and economic landscape of Belarus; focus on authoritarian regime, the Lukashenko government, political parties, regionalism, agriculture, energy policy and sustainability, small businesses, initiatives with Germany, integration of the disabled, education, culture, literature, collective memory, Belarus in Europe, and relations with Russia; 20 articles. Summaries in English p. 256-60.

This article focuses different patterns of political participation of the urban poor in Chile, linked to some aspects of social and political citizenship. First, as a result of a factorial analysis, we can differ between several patterns of political participation: protest-oriented, orientation to political parties, local orientation, orientation to trade unions, and electoral orientation. Second, we defined responsible citizenship as a kind of relation between State and civil society which is characterized by individual democratic values and a disposition to invest energy in self-help activities to solve collective problems. Although in Chile the formalized participation in trade unions and political parties of the urban poor diminished, our results suggest that the local orientation (participation in self-help groups) and the protest orientation maintain high levels of involvement and correspond to some degree to what we called responsible citizenship. Thus, the local level became the space in which the references of poor citizens to the social citizenship keep intact, a kind of citizenship that was formerly eliminated by the 'neoliberal revolution' of the Chilean authoritarian regime. ; El presente artículo relaciona diferentes tipos de participación política de los pobres urbanos en Chile con aspectos ligados a la ciudadanía política y social. Primero un análisis factorial permite establecer cinco tipos de participación política: los contestatarios, la orientación política partidaria, la orientación territorial, los sindicalistas y la orientación electoral. Segundo, se define a la ciudadanía responsable como una forma de relación entre Estado y sociedad civil que enfatiza los valores democráticos de los individuos y la disposición a invertir energías en la solución de problemas colectivos. Aunque en Chile la participación más formalizada (sindicatos, partidos políticos) ha disminuido enormemente dentro del estrato de los pobres urbanos, los resultados de este trabajo demuestran que la orientación territorial (participación en organizaciones de barrio) y contestataria han mantenido en algunos casos niveles más altos y tienden a corresponderse con una ciudadanía responsable. De esta manera, el ámbito local se ha mantenido como el espacio desde aún siguen vigentes las referencias a la ciudadanía social, que anteriormente fuese eliminada por la 'revolución neoliberal' del régimen militar chileno.

International audience ; Dieses Kapitel untersucht die Darstellung des Ersten Weltkriegs in den kanadischen Schulbüchern der Zwischenkreigszeit. Anhand von etwa zehn Werken aus Québec und Ontario werden die Hauptthemen präsentiert, die den Schülern vermittelt wurden, und die auch im offiziellen Gedächtnis über den Grossen Krieg ihren Niederschlag fanden. Es werden ebenfalls die unterschiedlichen Deutungen einiger Aspekte des Konflikts in den beiden Sprachgemeinschaften herausgearbeitet. ; This chapter explores the various interpretations of the First World War in canadian textbooks printed during the Interwar years. Referencing about ten books published in both Québec and Ontario, the following chapter details the primary themes that were taught to students and have consequently become the memory of the Great War, while detailing the interpretations of the conflict amongst the two canadian linguistic communities. ; Cette communication a pour objet d'analyser les représentations de la Première Guerre mondiale dans les manuels scolaires canadiens de l'entre-deux-guerres. Basé sur une dizaine d'ouvrages publiés au Québec et en Ontario, il présente les principaux thèmes qui ont été enseignés aux élèves et qui se sont imposés dans la mémoire officielle de la Grande guerre, tout en démontrant l'existence d'interprétations différentes entre les deux communautés linguistiques sur certains aspects du conflit.

Purpose: As a social construct, entrepreneurship is portrayed as an unashamedly masculine endeavour. This forms the basis for much feminist research in entrepreneurship. Despite a sustained research effort in the field of gendered entrepreneurship research this polarised viewpoint remains under researched from the perspective of masculinity. Rather than perpetuate the polarity this short article aims to consider the concept of gendered entrepreneurial regimes as an explanatory variable. Design/methodology/approach: Using documentary analysis techniques this article seeks to document the existence of a particular gendered local regime in the form of "Essex-Boy culture". Findings: The findings although tentative indicate that as a recognised gendered local regime Essex-Boy identity manifests itself physically at a conceptual, gendered, geographic, community and cultural level. Semiotically it can be expressed as a legitimate business identity, a criminal identity, a celebrity status, a political identity, as parody, caricature and as metaphor. It can be expressed as an ideology, a doxa, class position, a culture or as an initiating dream. It also exists at a narrative level via memoires, biographies, jokes or scripted insult. Research limitations/implications: Given that this is a preliminary study based on secondary documents there is clearly scope for other studies to be conducted into this interesting phenomenon. Social implications: The study has implications for what can be legitimately studied under the rubric of gendered entrepreneurial research. Originality/value: This study is original in its exclusive use of documentary research/analysis to uncover gendered aspects of an under studied entrepreneurial regime.

This book presents innovative research on various aspects of sustainability in the field of operations management and illustrates the potential of sustainability thinking and practice to improve operations performance and thereby meet customer needs. Particular attention is devoted to corporate social responsibility and marketing strategy, knowledge management for sustainability, the role of culture in a sustainable built environment, sustainable manufacturing through the application of lean and green concepts, advancing sustainability through ISO standards, and the sustainable supply chain. The present decade is proving to be a time of change in terms of business strategies and operations management. Many of the trends are still subject to uncertainty, but an understanding of the need for, and benefits of, sustainability can give a clear indication of their trajectory. Consumers and markets in general believe that while implementing their business strategies, companies should also try to improve society and the environment and to exercise social responsibility toward their employees. This book provides insights into how this may be achieved, and it is recommended for researchers as well as all practitioners and managers dedicated to enhancing sustainability in operations.

International audience ; The relationship of culture and religion is reciprocal. Cultures are under the impact of religions and these also undergo the impact of cultures. So sometimes these are the cultural elements of an ethnic group manifested more prominently in the religion of the latter, and sometimes it is the religious teachings that influence the culture. The right and left sides form an opposition which has repercussions in the two fields of culture and religion. By their existence in religious texts, this couple acquires a fairly strong religious connotation; it also has an important place in different cultures, whether monotheistic or even pagan. In this article, we will try to focus first on the origin and influence of this couple in one or other of the areas of religion and culture where a physical pattern becomes the criterion of Good and Evil. We will question its multidimensional aspect and study the specifics of this couple evoking a strong dualism. Thus we will study the mutual impacts of the religious and cultural connotations of this couple and this through the study of different cultures. In the second time, we will be interested in the sacred texts of different religions in order to identify the evocations to this dualism. We could then take a comparative look at the texts from different religions and we will dwell in particular on the Shiite jurisprudence which turns out to be fertile ground for the existence of this dualism which would serve as a benchmark between Good and Evil . ; La relation de la culture et de la religion est réciproque. Les cultures sont sous l'impact des religions et celles-ci subissent également l'impact des cultures. Ainsi parfois ce sont les éléments culturels d'une ethnie se manifestent de manière plus importante dans la religion de cette dernière, et parfois ce sont les enseignements religieux qui influencent la culture. Les côtés droit et gauche forment une opposition qui a des retentissements dans les deux domaines de la culture et de la religion. De par son ...

Though forced displacement constituted a central and pervasive feature of the Northern Ireland 'Troubles' effecting tens of thousands of citizens, remarkably it has been afforded little more than a footnote or fleeting reference in most accounts of the conflict. This book seeks to 'end the silence' surrounding this neglected and ubiquitous aspect of the conflict. Based on 88 in-depth qualitative interviews with victims and survivors, and extensive secondary research, this fascinating study provides the first comprehensive examination of forced displacement in Northern Ireland. The analysis presented captures the unique perspectives of those forcibly uprooted over the course of the 30-year conflict and places on historical record their stories and experiences. This thought-provoking work challenges and broadens prevailing understandings of conflict-related violence, harm, and loss in Northern Ireland to demonstrate the centrality of forced movement, territory, and demographics to the roots and subsequent trajectory of the Troubles. In doing so, it shows that to fully understand the eruption and outplaying of the Troubles and its elusive peace, engagement with and understanding of the legacy of forced displacement is crucial

A new era of political power has arrived, one in which the social media forces of Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter indisputably play a larger role in the political process. In this revised and expanded edition of Political Communication: The Manship School Guide, edited by Robert Mann and David D. Perlmutter, contributors discuss technological changes in the context of studies and techniques that remain unchallenged, resulting in a truly comprehensive manual of the world of political communication.