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This article addresses the subject of the free mandate for parliamentarians in Italy in relation to eternity clauses or inadmissible changes of the constitution, considering Italy's constitution prevents amendments regarding some of its principles. This sort of counter-majoritarian devices protect constitutions from major changes and it gains importance due to the rise of new forms of populism. The article examines the relation between the electoral system and the free mandate for parliamentarians in Italy, recently changed by populist forces. Therefore the research outlines the context of Italian constitutionalism, and then addresses the role of parliaments and the "procedures" in this scenario, reaching the subject of the role of electoral legislation on the constitutional order, especially regarding the involvement of constitutional courts in electoral law. Finally, it discusses the free mandate for MPs, showing how complex constitutional principles are at stake, such as equality and representation. It concludes that electoral law should be interpreted and reviewed in the light of all the relevant constitutional principles and also should be protected from populist moves. The article uses a logical-deductive methodology with legislative and theoretical analysis of the subject.

This article addresses the subject of the free mandate for parliamentarians in Italy in relation to eternity clauses or inadmissible changes of the constitution, considering Italy's constitution prevents amendments regarding some of its principles. This sort of counter-majoritarian devices protect constitutions from major changes and it gains importance due to the rise of new forms of populism. The article examines the relation between the electoral system and the free mandate for parliamentarians in Italy, recently changed by populist forces. Therefore the research outlines the context of Italian constitutionalism, and then addresses the role of parliaments and the "procedures" in this scenario, reaching the subject of the role of electoral legislation on the constitutional order, especially regarding the involvement of constitutional courts in electoral law. Finally, it discusses the free mandate for MPs, showing how complex constitutional principles are at stake, such as equality and representation. It concludes that electoral law should be interpreted and reviewed in the light of all the relevant constitutional principles and also should be protected from populist moves. The article uses a logical-deductive methodology with legislative and theoretical analysis of the subject.

"This book provides a comparative analysis and a systemic categorization of the Populist Radical Left Parties (PRLPs) in Western Europe. So far, the topics of populism and radical left have often been dealt with separately. The innovation of this work lies in the attempt to link the two above-mentioned categories in order to provide a definition of European PRLPs and to highlight their peculiarities. By combining theoretical analysis with empirical evidence, this book studies the process of transition to populism involving several European radical left parties. The author conducted interviews with national party secretaries, party leaders and Members of Parliament of the main PRLPs, and analyses a range of case studies including Podemos (Spain), Syriza (Greece), France insoumise (France), Party of Democratic Socialism and Die Linke (Germany), Socialist Party (Netherland), Workers' Party of Belgium (Belgium) and Sinn Féin (Ireland)"--

This book demonstrates how populist security narratives served as the driving force behind the mobilization of Republican voters and the legitimation of an ⁰́₈America First⁰́₉ policy agenda under the Trump presidency. Going beyond existing research on both populism and security narratives, the author links insights from political psychology on collective narcissism, blame attribution and emotionalization with research in political communication on narrative and framing to explore the political and societal impact of a populist security imaginary. Drawing on a comprehensive range of sources including key interviews, campaign and policy speeches, presidential addresses, and posts on social media, it shows how progressives, political opponents, immigrants, racial justice activists, and key institutions of liberal democracy collectively became an internal Other, delegitimated as ⁰́₈enemies of the people⁰́₉. Developing an innovative conceptual-analytical framework of nationalist populism that expands on established concepts of political identity and ontological security, the book will appeal to students of critical security studies, critical constructivist approaches in International Relations, and US politics.

Prevailing scholarship on populism focuses on explaining polarized patterns of support and opposition for populist regimes. This paper extends this conceptualization to account for the fragmented politics of Global South democracies. Invoking the concept of cognitive polyphasia, we map the Filipino public's social representations of Duterte's populist regime in the Philippines. Utilizing a mixed methods approach, we uncover a representational field organized by the two dimensions of political alignment (support vs. opposition) and political frame (individual vs. system). Diversely embedded in this polyphasic field, supporters of the regime may construct Duterte's individual leadership in terms of paternalistic patriotism, or the broader government as a morally-bankrupt yet progressive technocracy. Opposition to the regime may frame the president as an oppressive tyrant, or his administration as a historical continuation of entrenched state violence. Our findings contribute to extant populism debates by describing unique representational processes of differentiation and annexation in unequal populist publics. We reflect on implications for democratic engagement in the Philippines and the broader Global South. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Diversity has been an unavoidable reality. People live with other people of different religions, tribes, or races. The falling of old ideological and political structures in the world has played a great role in making this happen. To replace the old ideological and political structures, populism tends to be widely accepted by people who want to erect great wall in order to avoid immigrants. In Indonesia, populism manifests in the ideas and attitudes that alienate others based on religions and ethnic groups. The author introduces the views of Carlo Maria Martini, who, as a Catholic bishop, has promoted the idea of creating a society that supports diversity to be a new world order. Martini based his ideas on a biblical analysis, mainly on the Old Testament books such as Genesis, Exodus, and Deuteronomy. In order to find inspiration of Martini's views for the context of Indonesia, the author relates them to Anthony Giddens and Raimon Panikkar, and finds how Martini's ideas can be practised not only by inclusivists and pluralists, but also by exclusivists.

The discussion of the "future of Europe" has become the European Union's lifelong companion. It has evolved in successive phases. The current one has been shaped by the 2008 financial crisis and the "great recession" which it had provoked, as well as a number of more recent developments such as those created by USA policies. The great recession caused havoc everywhere, and brought to the surface several issues which had been simmering for many years. No member state was immune to its effects, but some suffered more than others. The southern EU countries, particularly Greece, saw their financial systems shaken to the foundations: economies contracting; public debt soaring; unemployment, especially among the young, rising to historic proportions; poverty and hardships becoming the new norm for sections of their societies. The fundamental financial support provided by the European Union during the financial crises came with strings, which some saw as being too stringent, not fairly applied to all countries, and restraining the room for manoeuvring to support the most vulnerable. This led to public anger, governments were dethroned and newer, often fringe parties, came to the fore. Populism grew rapidly and Euroscepticism increased. ; peer-reviewed

Chip Berlet is a widely published independent scholar who studies right-wing movements in the United States and Europe, as well as the global spread of conspiracy theories. He is an award-winning investigative journalist and photographer. Since the 1995 Oklahoma bombing, Berlet has appeared frequently in the media to discuss these issues. For over twenty years, Berlet was a senior analyst at Political Research Associates (PRA), a non-profit think tank in the United States that tracks right-wing networks. Berlet is co-author (with Matthew N. Lyons) of Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort (Guilford 2000) and more recently editor of Trumping Democracy: From Reagan to the Alt-Right (Routledge 2019). Despite a lack of a college degree, Berlet has served on the advisory board of the Journal of Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions (now Politics, Religion & Ideology); and the advisory board for the Center of Millennial Studies at Boston University. He also served for over twenty years on the board of predecessor groups of what is now the Defending Dissent Foundation. He is active in the American Sociological Association in the sections on Collective Behavior and Social Movements and Marxism. Berlet's main website is at http://www.researchforprogress.us/.

Drawing on the case of France during the 2017 presidential election, which was marked by the victory of the centrist Emmanuel Macron and the surge of the populist radical right (Marine Le Pen) and left (Jean-Luc Mélenchon), this paper analyses the impact of social insecurity on voting, using a multidimensional indicator of "precariousness" that combines measures of economic hardship and social and cultural isolation. On the basis of the 2017 French Election Study, a series of logistic regressions estimate the impact of precariousness on individual vote choice (including abstention) in both rounds, controlling for socio-demographic and attitudinal variables. Precariousness mainly has a strong negative impact on turnout, silencing the most deprived. Among those who vote, it has a strong negative impact on support for Emmanuel Macron. It also has a positive impact on support for the populist radical right and, to a lesser extent, on support for the populist radical left when controlling for socio-demographic variables. But this effect practically disappears after controlling for attitudes. Social insecurity does not necessarily breed populism. Ideological divisions make the difference, especially attitudes towards the European Union, immigration, and the left-right divide.

Examines policy orientations of the former general and presidential candidate; highlights his concept of "derzhavnost" (great power). World view mixing nationalism, reformism, democracy, and populism.

"Agrarian radicalism's challenge to capitalism played a central role in working-class ideology while making third parties and protest movements a potent force in politics. Thomas Alter II follows three generations of German immigrants in Texas to examine the evolution of agrarian radicalism and the American and transnational ideas that influenced it. Otto Meitzen left Prussia for Texas in the wake of the failed 1848 Revolution. His son and grandson took part in decades-long activism with organizations from the Greenback Labor Party and the Grange to the Populist movement and Texas Socialist Party. As Alter tells their stories, he analyzes the southern wing of the era's farmer-labor bloc and the parallel history of African American political struggle in Texas. Alliances with Mexican revolutionaries, Irish militants, and others shaped an international legacy of working-class radicalism that moved U.S. politics to the left. That legacy, in turn, pushed forward economic reform during the Progressive and New Deal eras. A rare look at the German roots of radicalism in Texas, Toward a Cooperative Commonwealth illuminates the labor movements and populist ideas that changed the nation's course at a pivotal time in its history"--

This compelling study on the rise of right-wing parties in two countries with different histories but similar experiences of how mainstream parties campaigned and reacted to the changing political landscape presents a fascinating comparison of the history and political impact of ethno-exclusivist and right-wing populist politics in liberal democracies. A detailed and thorough comparative analysis of parties such as the Front National and One Nation, and the mainstreaming of their discourse by prominent leaders like John Howard and Nicolas Sarkozy, offers new insights on the rise of the contemp.

Rechtspopulistische Akteure können in Belgien und den Niederlanden fulminante Wahlergebnisse verbuchen. Wie gelingt es ihnen, ihre Botschaften - vor allem zur Migrations- und Integrationsproblematik - in die öffentliche Diskussion zu lancieren? Welche ideologischen Unterschiede bestehen zwischen der belgischen und der niederländischen Variante des Rechtspopulismus? Welche gesellschaftlichen und politischen Faktoren erklären ihren Erfolg? Gerd Reuter analysiert das politische System und die politische Kultur des jeweiligen Landes und wertet niederländischsprachige Medienerzeugnisse, Parteiprogramme, Umfragedaten, Wahl-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialstatistiken vergleichend aus. Er klärt die historisch-kulturellen, sozioökonomischen und soziokulturellen Rahmenbedingungen und erforscht das Wirkungsverhältnis zwischen den soziokulturellen Entwicklungen, dem Wertewandel und der Modernisierung. Gerade darin findet er eine Antwort auf die Frage, warum in westlichen, (post-)modernen und zugleich prosperierenden Gesellschaften Rechtspopulismus Erfolg haben kann.Das Buch wendet sich an Dozierende und Studierende der Politikwissenschaften und der Soziologie sowie an PolitikberaterInnen und an den Niederlanden und Belgien Interessierte.

Aquesta recerca doctoral, va consistir a estudiar la creació de la Llei 1773 de 2016, expedida pel Congrés de la República de Colòmbia, des de les teories de la comunicació i la informació. Amb la finalitat de determinar la influència dels mitjans de comunicació en les agendes pública i política que portaran a la reforma penal i per concloure sobre l'eficàcia de la norma. ; Esta investigación doctoral, consistió en estudiar la creación de la Ley 1773 de 2016, expedida por el Congreso de la República de Colombia, desde las teorías de la comunicación y la información. Con fines de determinar la influencia de los medios masivos de comunicación en las agendas pública y política que llevaran a la reforma penal y para concluir acerca de la eficacia de la norma. ; This doctoral research consisted of studying the creation of Law 1773 of 2016, issued by the Congress of the Republic of Colombia, from the theories of communication and information. In order to determine the influence of the mass media in the public and political agendas that will lead to penal reform and to conclude about the effectiveness of the norm.

En las últimas décadas los partidos de extrema derecha en Europa han experimentado un rápido crecimiento que, en algunos países europeos, los sitúa como posibles partidos de gobierno. Son formaciones políticas con un discurso marcadamente xenófobo y populista que busca beneficiarse de las debilidades de los "partidos tradicionales" para encaramarse a las estructuras de poder. En países como Francia, Holanda o Austria estas formaciones políticas han alcanzado un alto apoyo popular, mientras que en España la derecha radical, durante muchos años, apenas ha dispuesto de espacio político y su discurso ha tenido un impacto muy limitado entre el electorado. Sin embargo, desde 2018 la emergencia de VOX modifica sustancialmente el tablero político español. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los factores que analizan la dificultad y posterior emergencia de los partidos de extrema derecha en España a través del análisis de datos y de la comparativa con algunos países europeos.