Suchergebnisse

This paper studies how the independence & the conservatism of a central bank relate to the structure & stability of median voter preferences. This is done by means of a model of endogenous delegation where an opportunistic policymaker chooses the monetary regime (independence & conservatism) to maximize the welfare of the median voter. The results show that a high degree of inflation aversion of monetary policy is not necessarily associated with a high degree of central bank independence. A high & stable degree of inflation aversion of society (ie, of the median voter) may lead to establishing a dependent central bank that is highly inflation averse. This suggests that the negative correlation between inflation & central bank independence indices detected by several empirical studies may reflect a link between inflation & some deep features of social preferences. 1 Table, 1 Appendix, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Only a small body of research addresses the impact of criminal victimization on moving (Skogan, 1990; Taub et al. 1984). Knowledge of this under‐researched relationship is important for three reasons. First, moving is costly to the victim both in monetary and psychological terms. Second, if a victimization‐mobility relationship exists, then it may partially explain why people migrate to suburban areas from cities. Third, because residential mobility reduces social control that, in turn, potentially results in more crime, evidence that criminal victimization leads to more mobility may help explain a cycle that perpetuates disorder and neighborhood decline (Bursik and Grasmick, 1993; Horwitz, 1990; Miethe and Meier, 1994; Skogan, 1990; Skogan and Maxfield, 1981). This study uses a longitudinal version of the National Crime Survey that includes 22, 375 households to test the hypothesis that criminal victimization is associated with an increased probability that a household moves.

Although the rule-based regime of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has instituted the empowerment of private actors vis-a-vis government bureaucracies, & of transtate institutions at the regional level, it is contended here that NAFTA should be envisioned as a hybrid model of economic governance. Under the agreement, some issue areas still remain under the administration of state-centered authorities, & others (eg, investment, trade remedy policies, & labor & environmental issues) under the surveillance & fragmented authority of nonstate actors. This transfer of authority to private or civil society actors is, in fact, a major trait of the NAFTA policy mechanism. It is also argued that, contrary to what some authors have suggested, NAFTA's hybrid institutional machinery is provoking deep integration in the region, despite the absence of supranational institutions or the homogenization of national legislation. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the Apr. 10, 1998 "Good Friday" Agreement, problems in its implementation, and prospects for ending the sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland. Institutional nature, executive power-sharing, arms decommissioning, and other issues.

Critiques Sigurd N. Skirbekk's (1999) assessment of the future of the UN Declaration on Human Rights (UNDHR) & his finding that respect for its ideals will decline because of moral, ecological, & demographic challenges. Passages from Articles 22, 25, & 26 are cited to challenge Skirbekk's view that the UNDHR is incompatible with sustainable development & population control. The dangers, as Skirbekk suggests, of ignoring future projections based on current trends are discussed. Contrary to Skirbekk, duties to society are shown to be included in the UNDHR, which, it is argued, applies to the human rights of descendants & provides a responsible reaction to demographic & ecological challenges as well as universal moral principles. It is concluded that individuality does not necessarily conflict with the greater good of the community, & the UNDHR still serves as a useful guide for human behavior & the welfare of the human community. 10 References. T. Arnold

Diplomatic relations — Immunity — Immunity from jurisdiction and execution — Diplomatic premises — Eviction order — Whether enforceable in courts of receiving State — Inviolability of diplomatic premises — Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961, Article 22 — Whether declaratory of customary international law — Duty of receiving State to assist in provision of premises for diplomatic mission — Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, Article 21 — Scope of duty of receiving State — Whether conferring rights of enforcement on individualsInternational tribunals — European Commission of Human Rights — Jurisdiction — Whether Commission competent to examine complaint relating to implementation of Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961Human rights — Access to courts — Whether denial of access may be justified by traditional diplomatic immunities — Proceedings concerning eviction order against diplomatic premises — 154Whether complaint may be lodged against length of proceedings where domestic courts have asserted jurisdiction to rule on the merits — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950, Article 6(1)

This study assesses whether Minnesota's high-risk insurance pool is successful at insuring those denied health insurance coverage because of preexisting medical conditions. Eight hundred and twenty-nine individuals who had been denied health insurance coverage were interviewed. At the time of the survey, 80 percent of the sample had obtained coverage, 22 percent through the state's high-risk insurance pool. Seventeen percent remained uninsured. Logistic regression was used to identify correlates of remaining uninsured. Younger age and less education were significantly associated with being uninsured versus enrolling in the high-risk pool. Younger age, less education, unemployment, being non-White, and having worse mental health were significantly associated with being uninsured versus having non-high-risk pool insurance. Despite the presence of a large high-risk pool in Minnesota, specific groups are identified as being at risk for remaining uninsured after being denied health insurance.

The framework of linguistic intergroup bias is used to understand the interplay language use & cognitive biases in political conflicts. The hypothesis that desirable ingroup & undesirable outgroup behaviors are described in more abstract terms than undesirable ingroup behavior & desirable outgroup behavior was tested using G. Semin & K. Fiedler's (1988) categorical linguistic model in two studies of political conflict. In the first, 123 subjects from two opposing social movements -- 63 from Coordination de Gesto por la Paz(Coordinated Action for Peace [CGP]) & 60 from Herri Batasuna (supporting Basque independence) -- described the behaviors of models pictured wearing either CGP or Basque independence symbols. In the second study, the descriptions of victim & aggressor in a nationalist & nonnationalist murder in editorials of two nationalist -- Elgin & Deia -- & two nonnationalist -- Diario Vasco & ABC -- newspapers were analyzed. In both cases, with ANOVAs & qualitative analysis, respectively, the hypothesis was confirmed. 4 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

After two years of tortuous negotiations and despite support for a total ban on anti-personnel mines by nearly half of the 51 States participating in the final session of the Review Conference of the 1980 United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW), held in Geneva from 22 April to 3 May 1996, only minimal restrictions on the use of antipersonnel landmines were finally adopted. Nine years after entry into force of amended Protocol II, anti-personnel mines will have to be detectable and those scattered outside of marked minefields, by air, artillery or other means, will have to self-destruct after 30 days. However, long-lived mines will remain available for production, export and use — including indiscriminate use. Regrettably, this modest legal response to a major international humanitarian crisis, though adopted by consensus, is unlikely to significantly reduce the horrendous level of mine casualties.

W. E. B. Du Bois's profeminist writings are argued to have been influenced by his masculinist worldviews that deradicalized his progressive views on gender. Although Du Bois is rightly recognized for his profeminist politics, & for his ability to maintain conceptual & political linkages between the struggles to end racism, sexism, & war, his larger paradigm, in which the male is normative, reinforces male dominance. It is argued that this reinforcement is visible in Du Bois's marginalization of two prominent women writers -- Anna Julia Cooper & Ida B. Wells Barnett -- who were active in the black movement in the first half of the 20th century. Du Bois quotes from the writings of Cooper without citing her by name, & slights Wells Barnett when she is being ostracized at the founding conference of the National Assoc for the Advancement of Colored People. It is concluded Du Bois's profeminism is tinged with paternalism. 22 References. H. von Rautenfeld

Various conceptions of civil society & the potential contributions of anthropology to debates concerning civil society are discussed, arguing that the current debate is characterized by contradictions & Western-oriented ethnocentricity. Three predominant definitions of civil society are identified: (1) the absolute opposition of the state, (2) a positive, analytic term for the social sciences, & (3) a normative concept of a distinct & desirable social order. Anthropology could contribute to this debate by clarifying & exploring the historical foundations of civil society in diverse European discourse, intellectual traditions, & practices. Further, anthropology could illuminate manifestations of civil society in non-Western societies & expose the dimensions of power, cohesion, & social order overlooked by other disciplines. Although previous debate has been limited by an emphasis on liberal-individualism & the state-society dichotomy, anthropology provides an opportunity for the creation of a more complex, comprehensive, & diverse conception of civil society. 22 References. T. Sevier

Los fracasados intentos de elaboración y promulgación de un Código Penal de nueva planta que respondiera a los principios democráticos y constitucionales, a partir de la transición política en España, motivaron que el legislador tuviera que optar por el sistema de reformas parciales. El Consejo de Ministros de 22 de julio de 1994 aprueba un proyecto de Código Penal que fue enviado a las Cortes Generales el 26 de septiembre de 1994, por el entonces Ministro Juan Alberto Belloch. El proyecto fue aprobado por el Pleno del Congreso de los Diputados, en sesión plenaria, el 8 de noviembre de 1995, promulgándose por Ley Orgánica 10/1995, de 23 de noviembre, del Código Penal. Con este importante acontecimiento legislativo para la sociedad española culminan los anteriores intentos de los diferentes proyectos, adaptándose el Código Penal a los valores y principios de una sociedad moderna.

The political debut of Adolphe Billault.
Yannick Le Marec [7-22].
Between his marriage in 1830 with the daughter of a wealthy merchant from Nantes and his nomination in the French governement in 1840, Adolphe Billault advanced through all the stages of his political education. His position as a lawyer and in particular the tradition of the politically liberal bar enables him to accumulate professional successes and to skillfully use the press. Elected as member of the city-council of Nantes, then representative for three constituencies, he makes use of all opportunities to speak in public and builds up his political career as spokesperson for different categories of people : for the general public confronted with the demands of the state, for the «capacités» deprived of access to power, for the middle-classes, in which he sees the potential foundation of the regime.

WHEN THE GERMAN ARMY STRUCK THE SOVIET UNION ON JUNE 22, 1941, STALIN AND THE SOVIET MILITARY WERE STAGGERED BY THE BLOW. ALTHOUGH TOP RED ARMY COMMANDERS HAD TRIED TO WARM STALIN ABOUT A POSSIBLE ATTACK AND TO PREPARE THE FORCES, THERE WAS A DANGEROUS DISCONNECTION BETWEEN SOVIET POLITICAL STRATEGY AND MILITARY OPERATIONAL DOCTRINE. FROM AT LEAST 1940, STALIN'S GERMAN POLICY REQUIRED THE SOVIET UNION TO MAINTAIN A NONPROVOCATIVE STANCE TOWARD THE THIRD REICH IN ORDER TO ELIMINATE ANY PRETEXT FOR AN INVASION. ALTHOUGH THE LIGHTNING GERMAN VICTORIES IN THE WEST IN 1940 AND THE CONSTRAINING CONDITIONS IMPOSED BY STALIN'S GERMAN POLICY STRONGLY SUGGESTED THAT SOVIET EXPECTATIONS OF HOW WARFARE WOULD UNFOLD WERE WHOLLY UNREALISTIC, THE SOVIET MILITARY NEVER SYSTEMATICALLY QUESTIONED THE PLANNING ASSUMPTIONS THAT SUPPORTED ITS COMMITMENT TO FORWARD DEPLOYMENT OR RAPID ASSUMPTION OF THE COUNTEROFFENSIVE IN CASE OF AN ENEMY ATTACK.