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AbstractFor over a decade, researchers have analyzed the effects of liberalization and globalization on urban development, considering the local political implications of shifts at the national and global scales. Taking the case of Mumbai, this article examines how the past 15 years of political reforms in India have reshaped property markets and the politics of land development. Among the newly empowered actors, local criminal syndicates, often with global connections, have seized political opportunities created by these shifts to gain influence over land development. The rise of Mumbai's organized criminal activity in the 1950s was closely linked to India's macroeconomic policies, with strict regulation of imports fuelling the growth of black market smuggling. Liberalization and deregulation since the early 1990s have diminished demand for smuggled consumer goods and criminal syndicates have since diversified their operations. With skyrocketing real estate prices in the 1990s, bolstered by global land speculation, the mafia began investing in property development. Supported by an illicit nexus of politicians, bureaucrats and the police, the mafia has emerged as a central figure in Mumbai's land development politics. The article examines the structural shifts that facilitated the criminalization of land development and the implications of mafia involvement in local politics.Résumé Depuis plus d'une décennie, les chercheurs ont analysé les effets de la libéralisation et de la mondialisation sur l'aménagement urbain en étudiant les implications politiques locales de transformations effectuées à l'échelle nationale et planétaire. Prenant le cas de Mumbai, cet article examine comment les réformes politiques des quinze dernières années en Inde ont reconfiguré les marchés immobiliers et les politiques d'aménagement foncier. Parmi les nouveaux acteurs, les syndicats du crime locaux, opérant souvent dans des réseaux internationaux, ont saisi les occasions politiques créées par ces changements pour gagner en influence sur l'aménagement foncier. A Mumbai, l'activité accrue du crime organisé dans les années 1950 était étroitement liée aux politiques macroéconomiques de l'Inde, une réglementation stricte des importations alimentant l'essor de la contrebande sur le marché noir. Depuis le début des années 1990, libéralisation et déréglementation ont réduit la demande pour les biens de consommation de contrebande, poussant les syndicats du crime à diversifier leurs opérations. Face à la montée en flèche des prix de l'immobilier dans les années 1990, aidée par la spéculation foncière mondiale, la mafia a investi dans la promotion immobilière. Soutenue par un réseau illégal de politiciens, bureaucrates et policiers, elle est donc devenue un personnage central des politiques d'urbanisme à Mumbai. L'article étudie les transformations structurelles qui ont facilité la criminalisation du secteur foncier, et les implications de la présence de la mafia dans la politique locale.

Jack Solowey and Jennifer J. Schulp


Last Wednesday, July 12, an updated version of the Lummis‐​Gillibrand Responsible Financial Innovation Act (RFIA) became public. The updated RFIA, like its predecessor, looks to tackle crypto regulation comprehensively, covering in its 274 pages major topics including market structure, crypto exchanges, stablecoins, illicit finance, and taxation.
The proposal confronts the reality of longstanding legal uncertainty for American crypto market participants. Last week's highly anticipated order in the case of Securities and Exchange Commission v. Ripple Labs, Inc., along with both the RFIA in the Senate and ongoing efforts in the House, all demonstrate that there's still significant work to be done before the United States can credibly claim regulatory clarity for crypto.
The RFIA takes important steps toward providing more legal certainty to U.S. market participants, but on some of crypto policy's most nettlesome questions there remains room for improvement. We offer our initial thoughts on the RFIA's market structure, crypto exchange, and stablecoin components below. (Our colleague Nicholas Anthony will cover the illicit finance and taxation portions in additional posts.)
Market Structure
One of the most hotly contested issues in crypto policy is the seemingly endless debate over whether and when a crypto token is properly considered to be a security or a commodity under U.S. law. The RFIA takes a swing at this issue by seeking to establish the concept of a crypto token as an "ancillary asset." The idea is that while a crypto token may be sold pursuant to a type of securities transaction known as an investment contract, the token itself need not be considered a security.
Under the RFIA, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) would have exclusive jurisdiction over a crypto token that qualifies as an ancillary asset but not the "security that constitutes an investment contract." To qualify as an ancillary asset, the token must not offer the holder any financial rights in a business, such as to debt or equity, liquidation, or interest or dividend payments.
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), however, would have a role to play: where the average daily aggregate value of transactions in the ancillary asset exceeds a certain threshold and where the issuer engaged in "entrepreneurial or managerial efforts that primarily determined the value of the ancillary asset," the issuer would be required to file detailed disclosures with the SEC. (Where the issuer certifies—and the SEC does not reject—that those efforts have ceased, disclosures are no longer required.) When the issuer complies with the disclosure requirement, ancillary assets owned by the issuer or affiliates will be "presumed" to be commodities and not securities. This presumption could be overturned by a court finding that an ancillary asset does confer a financial right.
Required disclosures to the SEC hinge on whether the issuer is engaged in relevant entrepreneurial or managerial efforts. This "efforts" language is familiar; the third prong of the Howey test for investment contracts asks whether the purchaser "is led to expect profits solely from the efforts of the promoter or a third party." This element is frequently key to thinking about whether a crypto token should be treated as a security. One reason is that crypto technology allows token projects to develop such that the issuer's efforts are no longer essential to the functioning or benefits of the project—in other words, projects can become decentralized.
The RFIA does not explicitly invoke decentralization when it comes to classifying crypto tokens as securities or commodities, but it implicitly grapples with the concept to some extent by incorporating the third prong of Howey. Perhaps for that reason, the RFIA's co‐​author Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (D‑NY) told Yahoo! Finance that, at least in general, decentralization is relevant in determining a token's legal character: "If it meets the Howey test, then it's a digital security. If it does not, and it is fully decentralized and has the hallmarks of a commodity, then it's a digital commodity."
One benefit of the "ancillary asset" approach is that it potentially streamlines the token classification process. Nonetheless, as the RFIA's effort to implement the approach demonstrates, it remains difficult in practice to avoid the "efforts of others" concept given the realities of existing (and convoluted) capital markets regulation and the characteristics of crypto. And in incorporating the idea of entrepreneurial or managerial efforts without further defining it—such as by more explicit reference to and definition of a decentralized token network—the current version of the RFIA leaves important questions unanswered.
Fortunately, one place to turn for such a definition—in addition to other proposals—would be the RFIA itself, which defines a decentralized crypto asset exchange (DEX). The RFIA largely defines DEXs as software where no person, or group of people agreeing to act together, can unilaterally control that protocol, including by altering transactions or functions. That's a sound place to begin defining a decentralized token network as well.
In addition, distinguishing the token from the investment contract "arrangement or scheme" through which the token is offered or sold can leave questions about the investment contract itself. As noted above, under the RFIA, the SEC would retain jurisdiction over the investment contract. Yet the bounds of that jurisdiction are not clearly circumscribed. For example, would SEC jurisdiction over the investment contract be strictly limited to primary market token sales between the issuer and the counterparty, or could the SEC also extend its investment contract jurisdiction to secondary market token sales on theories related to the overall arrangement or scheme? Nothing about the SEC's recent crypto enforcement activity suggests anything other than a willingness to aggressively assert, or expand, its jurisdiction. And the recent Ripple opinion, while containing important implications for secondary markets in crypto assets, expressly left open the question of whether secondary market token sales constituted offers and sales of investment contracts. If the RFIA envisions SEC crypto jurisdiction as covering only primary—not secondary—market token sales, it should say so unequivocally.
Exchanges
The RFIA contains provisions addressing both centralized and decentralized crypto asset exchanges. The bill requires any trading facility offering a market in crypto assets or stablecoins to register with the CFTC as a crypto asset exchange. Registered exchanges must both confirm that ancillary assets meet applicable disclosure requirements before they're listed, as well as comply with core exchange principles, including safeguarding systems and customer assets, monitoring trading to provide an efficient market and prevent manipulation, and providing price and trade volume information.
While making important strides to define decentralized exchanges, as described above, the RFIA leaves somewhat uncertain their ultimate regulatory obligations. On the one hand, some sections regulate DEXs only indirectly by imposing risk management requirements on the centralized institutions that interact with DEXs, not the DEXs themselves. That registered crypto asset exchanges are subject to specific requirements regarding their interactions with decentralized crypto asset exchanges also suggests that the former (registered exchanges) does not necessarily include the latter (DEXs). Similarly, the RFIA defines a crypto asset exchange to expressly include a "centralized or decentralized platform" only for purposes of a tax provision, implying that the term crypto asset exchange is not generally meant to cover both centralized and decentralized platforms when used elsewhere in the bill.
On the other hand, by amending the Commodity Exchange Act's definition of "trading facility," which excludes systems that allow for bilateral transactions, to clarify that decentralized crypto asset exchanges that allow for multiple bids and offers to interact are distinguishable from such excluded systems, the RFIA suggests that at least some DEXs could be considered trading facilities subject to crypto asset exchange registration requirements. How exactly a DEX that enables trading pairs of crypto assets would mesh with this provision is perhaps open to interpretation.
Given these questions, the RFIA should make more explicit that disintermediated crypto exchange protocols are not subject to inapt requirements designed for centralized intermediaries.
Stablecoins
The RFIA would only permit "depository institutions," such as banks, credit unions, and savings associations, to issue payment stablecoins (tokens redeemable on a 1‑to‑1 basis with instruments denominated in U.S. dollars). Notably, the RFIA would amend the definition of depository institution under the Federal Reserve Act to incorporate a category of "covered depository institutions" that includes non‐​banks exclusively engaged in issuing payment stablecoins and approved to operate by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) or a similar state authority. Under the RFIA, such OCC‐​authorized payment stablecoins would not be required to maintain federal deposit insurance.
It's welcome when a bill allows for the operation of stablecoin issuers beyond federally insured depository institutions. Nonetheless, in giving federal banking regulators discretion to reject applications of prospective stablecoin issuers on the basis of subjective and open‐​ended criteria beyond basic reserve and disclosure requirements, the RFIA risks further constraining future payment services competition.
Concluding Thoughts
Providing clarity to crypto entrepreneurs, developers, and users in the United States remains a work in progress. Even with important case law evolving in the courts, Congress ultimately must provide a stable and practical framework for U.S. crypto policy.

Following the Final Peace Agreement of 2016 between the Colombian Government and the FARC regarding the solution to the problem of illicit drugs, the objective of this article is to contribute to the knowledge of the policy of eradication and substitution of coca leaf crops from a comprehensive perspective, reflecting on the strengths and weaknesses of the applied strategies at a time when crops in Colombia have increased to record numbers. For a better understanding of the subject, the paper makes a comparison between what has happened in Bolivia and Colombia in terms of the anti-drug policy applied by the United States, the consequences, the differences and common factors present in the problem of eradication and substitution of the coca leaf. The paper comes to the conclusion that even though comprehensive policies for the eradication and substitution of the coca leaf have been established on paper, the results will be directly related to advances in human development and rural infrastructure policies, together with the commitment of the private sector and international markets, for the promotion of alternative legal products and activities. ; Luego del Acuerdo Final de Paz de 2016 entre el gobierno colombiano y las FARC, frente a la solución al problema de las drogas ilícitas, el objetivo de este artículo es contribuir en el conocimiento de la política de erradicación y una reflexión sobre las fortalezas y debilidades en las estrategias aplicadas, en momentos en que los cultivos en Colombia se han incrementado en cifras récord. Para una mejor compresión del tema, el escrito hace una comparación de lo ocurrido en Bolivia y Colombia en materia de la política antidroga aplicada por los Estados Unidos, las consecuencias, las diferencias y factores comunes presentes en el problema de la erradicación y sustitución de la hoja de coca. Concluyendo que, por más que se establezcan sobre el papel políticas integrales para la erradicación y sustitución de la hoja de coca, los resultados están directamente relacionados con los avances en políticas de desarrollo humano e infraestructura rural, junto al compromiso del sector privado y los mercados internacionales para el impulso de los productos y actividades alternativas legales.

¿Qué es el capitalismo neoliberal? ¿Un nuevo capitalismo, una nueva cultura, un nuevo espíritu, la generalización de la competencia en todas las relaciones económicas, una nueva subjetividad, el mercado como confirmación o verificación de su funcionamiento, una nueva gubernamentalidad?El capitalismo neoliberal es "eso"; pero no es todo "eso": la precondición de viabilidad de este modelo de capitalismo requiere una cuantiosa cantidad de dinero previamente acumulado producto de diversas actividades delictivas como el crimen organizado, fraudes, la evasión impositiva, contrabando, depredación de la naturaleza, desposesión de numerosos sectores de la población, destrucción de los pilares asistenciales del Estado del Bienestar por medio de una política que pone en ejecución la transferencia de ingresos de los sectores bajos a los sectores altos en la escala socioeconómica.En este trabajo sostengo que el Capitalismo Neoliberal es ante todo un nuevo Modelo de Acumulación dineraria constituido por un proceso que comprende: Violencia Delictiva > Acumulación Dineraria ilegal> Inversión Financiera ilegal, y como resultado socio-político-económico la gubernamentalidad Neoliberal de las instituciones del Estado.Palabras clave: Violencia delictiva-Acumulación dineraria ilegal- Inversión financiera ilegal Neoliberal capitalism and illegalities. Delictive violences>Illegal money accumulation>Illegal financial investmentAbstractWhat's neoliberal capitalism? A new capitalism, a new culture, a new spirit, the generalization of competition in all economic relationships, a new subjectivity, the market as confirmation or verification of its functioning, a new gubernamentality?Neoliberal capitalism is "all that"; but is not just "all that": the precondition of viability of this model of capitalism requires a huge amount of money previously accumulated by illegal means as a product of diverse illicit activities as organized crime, fraud, tax evasion, smuggling, predation of nature, deprivation of numerous sector of population, destruction of welfare by means of a policy that transfers income from those less privileged sectors to the ones that rank higher in the socioeconomic scale.In this work I maintain that neoliberal capitalism is, in first place, a new model of monetary accumulation constituted by a process that comprises: criminal violence > illegal monetary accumulation >illegal financial investment, and, as a socio - politic - economic result the neoliberal gubernamentality of State institutionsKey Words: criminal violence - illegal monetary accumulation - illegal financial investment

¿Qué es el capitalismo neoliberal? ¿Un nuevo capitalismo, una nueva cultura, un nuevo espíritu, la generalización de la competencia en todas las relaciones económicas, una nueva subjetividad, el mercado como confirmación o verificación de su funcionamiento, una nueva gubernamentalidad?El capitalismo neoliberal es "eso"; pero no es todo "eso": la precondición de viabilidad de este modelo de capitalismo requiere una cuantiosa cantidad de dinero previamente acumulado producto de diversas actividades delictivas como el crimen organizado, fraudes, la evasión impositiva, contrabando, depredación de la naturaleza, desposesión de numerosos sectores de la población, destrucción de los pilares asistenciales del Estado del Bienestar por medio de una política que pone en ejecución la transferencia de ingresos de los sectores bajos a los sectores altos en la escala socioeconómica.En este trabajo sostengo que el Capitalismo Neoliberal es ante todo un nuevo Modelo de Acumulación dineraria constituido por un proceso que comprende: Violencia Delictiva > Acumulación Dineraria ilegal> Inversión Financiera ilegal, y como resultado socio-político-económico la gubernamentalidad Neoliberal de las instituciones del Estado.Palabras clave: Violencia delictiva-Acumulación dineraria ilegal- Inversión financiera ilegal Neoliberal capitalism and illegalities. Delictive violences>Illegal money accumulation>Illegal financial investmentAbstractWhat's neoliberal capitalism? A new capitalism, a new culture, a new spirit, the generalization of competition in all economic relationships, a new subjectivity, the market as confirmation or verification of its functioning, a new gubernamentality?Neoliberal capitalism is "all that"; but is not just "all that": the precondition of viability of this model of capitalism requires a huge amount of money previously accumulated by illegal means as a product of diverse illicit activities as organized crime, fraud, tax evasion, smuggling, predation of nature, deprivation of numerous sector of population, destruction of welfare by means of a policy that transfers income from those less privileged sectors to the ones that rank higher in the socioeconomic scale.In this work I maintain that neoliberal capitalism is, in first place, a new model of monetary accumulation constituted by a process that comprises: criminal violence > illegal monetary accumulation >illegal financial investment, and, as a socio - politic - economic result the neoliberal gubernamentality of State institutionsKey Words: criminal violence - illegal monetary accumulation - illegal financial investment

This report examines the topic of tobacco control through the use of plain packaging. Predominantly it focuses on its implementation within Australia and as such deals exclusively with Australian law and legislation, international examples are touched upon in areas of economics and history. The idea of plain packaging began with a Canadian doctor in the late 1980s and has since been considered by several countries (Canada , New Zealand and the United Kingdom) but never successfully legislated. It is recommended as part of the World Health Organisation 's Framework for the Convention of Tobacco Control which is the leading guideline to the curbing of the international tobacco epidemic. In Australia there already exist certain guidelines which specify the design of cigarette packets such as packets must contain graphic health warnings which cover 30% of the front and 90% of the back of cigarette packs (Australian National Preventative Health Agency 2008). In addition to the this Australian law also prohibits terms such as 'light' and 'mild ' being used to describe cigarettes (Cancer Council 2005) after it was found by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) that around 55% of Australian smokers (falsely) believed that light cigarettes (meaning in this instance both those advertised as such as well as low in tar) were in some way healthier than regular cigarettes (Bo rland 2004). Advertising restrictions known as 'Out of Sight' legislation now prohibits tobacco products being displayed at the point of sale in several Australian states and whilst some contend that this eliminates the need for plain packaging , significant evidence exists to suggest that tobacco packaging continues to act as an advertisement long after the initial purchase. Irrefutable scientific evidence has shown us to know that smokers face significantly increased risks of "death and or illness from numerous cancers, heart disease, stroke, atherosclerosis, abdominal aortic aneurysm, emphysema and other respiratory diseases. Smoking also causes blindness, dental problems, erectile dysfunction, reduced fertility in women, sudden infant death syndrome, contributes to osteoporosis and increases the risks of pregnancy complications including premature birth , low birth weight, still birth and infant mortality (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2004)". Half of all lifetime smokers will die from tobacco related illnesses, which in global terms amounts to approximately 650 million people (Eriksen & Mackay 2002). Smoking presents health concerns not just to smokers but also those around them, exposure to second-hand smoke (known as passive smoking) also causes disease and death. Recent studies have suggested that the danger of smoking also lingers after the visible tobacco smoke is gone, this danger which is present in the form of carcinogens created by the residue of nicotine interacting with air sticks to surfaces such as carpet and clothing. At particular risk are infants and toddlers. Several groups are more vulnerable than other members of the general public to the dangers of cigarettes and these include pregnant women and people from a low socio-economic background. This entirely preventable health risk (especially to those who have not made the active choice to smoke) is the primary motivator for Government action against tobacco. One of the more unfortunate side effects of tobacco control (specifically increased taxation) is that it creates an incentive for a black market to arise. It is estimated that around 12% of all tobacco consumed within Australia is illicit (that is no tax has been paid on the product) . One of the more troubling forms illegal tobacco takes is "chopchop" bulk, amateurishly grown/processed tobacco which is often cut with vegetable matter to increase its net weight. Incorrectly cured tobacco contains all the health risks of regular tobacco as well as several others due to various moulds, fungi and pesticides . This "Chop-Chop" usage is something that needs to be addressed within Australia for reasons of both health and finance. Given the lack of precedence, several legal issues surround the introduction of plain packaging; some of these such as Constitutional law are unique to Australia and others such as the TRIPS agreement and WIPO are more internationally applicable. The legal opinions collected by this report suggest that there are no legal barriers to the implementation of plain packaging legislation however this is highly contested not just by Tobacco companies and their various lobby groups , but also by professionals within the legal field . Numerous countries, industries and organisations are looking to Australia to determine the validity of this particular kind of tobacco control. The economics surrounding tobacco consumption are complex and difficult to measure and whilst initially it may appear that tobacco through its high level of taxation is beneficial to a community, its true cost (including the burden on health care, loss of productivity, years of ill health etc) can be very difficult to calculate. The findings of this report suggest that although the tobacco industry contributes substantial amount of revenue to the Australian Government the overall cost (both tangible and intangible) to Australia is significantly higher. The long term nature of tobacco related illness means that even after a reduction in tobacco smoking the cost to the Government of their health treatment is ongoing. Furthermore there is significant intelligence both from Australia and internationally that suggests organised crime and terrorism may be funded from the sale of illicit tobacco. Due to the large profit margins, low risk of detection and comparatively minor sentences for those caught, the illicit tobacco trade which annually costs the globe around $40 billion US dollars is a growing and troubling industry. Given the wide scope of this report several recommendations are made which can be viewed on page 56 (entitled Recommendations).

This is a reflection article whose main objective is to demonstrate, on the stage of contemporary international law, the new threats that drug trafficking represents in what refers to the security agenda, as well as its social, economic and cultural effects. States to compare the threat: Colombia and Mexico. The methodology is comparative and, as main outcome, it is measured the one of the communities identified with drug trafficking and its related contraband markets, which underpin on the illicit transnational relationship of drug trafficking networks with State ties strengthened through cooptation of political and security systems. The Caribbean region is the geostrategic enclave for narcotics trade: production and wholesale trade area, and place of distribution through violent patterns, a kind of narco-incoterms. ; Artículo de reflexión cuyo objetivo principal es demostrar en el escenario del derecho internacional contemporáneo, las nuevas amenazas que representa el narcotráfico en lo que se refiere a la agenda de seguridad, así como sus efectos sociales, económicos y culturales. Los Estados a comparar la amenaza: Colombia y México. La metodología es comparativa y como principales resultados, se dimensiona el de las comunidades identificadas con el narcotráfico y sus mercados de contrabando conexos, que se cimientan en la relación transnacional ilícita de redes narcotraficantes con vínculos estatales consolidados a través de la cooptación de los sistemas políticos y de seguridad. La región Caribe es el enclave geoestratégico para el comercio de narcóticos: zona de producción, de comercio al por mayor y lugar de distribución mediante pautas violentas, una especie de narco-incoterms. ; Artigo de reflexão cujo objetivo principal é demostrar, no cenário do direito internacional contemporâneo, as novas ameaças que o narcotráfico representa no que se refere à agenda de segurança, assim como os seus efeitos sociais, econômicos e culturais. Os Estados onde a ameaça é comparada são a Colômbia e o México. A metodologia é comparativa e como principais resultados é dimensionado o das comunidades identificadas com o narcotráfico e os seus mercados de contrabando conexos, que se alicerçam na relação transnacional ilícita de redes narcotraficantes com vínculos estatais consolidados através da cooptação dos sistemas políticos e de segurança. A região Caribe é o encrave geoestratégico para o comércio de narcóticos: zona de produção, de comércio por atacado e lugar de distribuição mediante pautas violentas, uma espécie de narco-incoterms.

Abstrak -- Perkembangan arus narkotika telah semakin mengkhawatirkan di Indonesia. Tidak hanya membahayakan keamanan dan ketertiban masyarakat, hal ini juga berpeluang untuk menjadi salah satu jalan dalam hal pembiayaan peristiwa terorisme. Peluang melalui pasar yang besar di Indonesia ditambah dengan adanya ideologi radikal yang masuk menjadikan keadaan menjadi semakin rawan. Hal ini kemudian dikenal sebagai narcoterrorism. Di Indonesia, narcoterrorism masih ditangani sebagai dua ancaman yang terpisah (ancaman narkotika dan ancaman terorisme). Belum ada penanganan menyangkut narcoterrorism sebagai suatu ancaman yang baru muncul. Pertanyaan utama dari penelitian ini adalah mengenai perkembangan narcoterrorism di Indonesia dan strategi yang ditempuh oleh Pemerintah Indonesia untuk menanggulangi hal itu. Penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk memahami mengenai konvergensi antara organisasi terorisme dengan kriminal yang dikaji melalui konsep terror-crime nexus. Dengan adanya kajian ini, maka diharapkan pemerintah dapat mengerti dan merumuskan cara yang tepat dan efektif untuk dapat mengantisipasi perkembangannya. Penelitian ini dilaksanakan secara kualitatif. Melalui penelitian ini didapatkan hasil bahwa perkembangan narcoterrorism di Indonesia terus terjadi, dan dibutuhkan antisipasi agar tidak berkembang ke arah yang lebih mengkhawatirkan. Strategi yang dilaksanakan pemerintah melalui pendekatan soft approach dan hard approach perlu dimaksimalkan hingga mencapai smart approach.Kata kunci: Pemerintah, Penanggulangan Narcoterrorism, Strategi, Terror-Crime NexusAbstract -- The development of illegal drugs and illicit finance in Indonesia has afford a new concerning phase, not only towards the order and human security but also in terms of terrorism funding possibility. The advantage of massive market in Indonesia added up with radical ideology has built up the complexity of situation. In Indonesia, narcoterrorism is still treated as two separated threat (narcotics and terrorism). There are no certain rules regarding narcoterrorism as a whole new threat. Main research question of this thesis is about the recent development of narcoterrorism in Indonesia and Indonesian Government's strategy to eradicate such existence. This research was aimed to understand the convergence criminal and terrorism organization through terror-crime nexus. With this thesis, the Indonesian Government are expected to form and build an effective and efficient strategy to deal with this problem. This research has been conducted in qualitative method, and discovered that the development of narcoterrorism in Indonesia are still happening and have to be anticipated in appropriate manners to prevent it from further development. Strategy applied by the Indonesian Government are in soft and hard approach, however it is still need further improvement to reach smart approach.Keywords: Government, Countering Narcoterrorism, Strategy, Terror-Crime Nexus

Organic scintillators have a long history in the field of radiation detection, dating back to some of the earliest studies of organic photophysics and optoelectronic properties. In particular, plastics have come to dominate the commercial market for organic scintillators, due to their low cost and ease of use and manufacturing, and more notably in spite of their poorer performance in many metrics. While there has been decades of active research since their inception, little progress has been made to improve upon the now well established compositions of commercial plastics, a notable exception being the recent development of plastic scintillators capable of pulse shape discrimination (PSD) of n/γ radiation, which is of particular interest among governments and industry for the detection of illicit nuclear material and weapons. In recent years, much attention has been paid towards the study of luminescent organic materials, in particular due to the invention and widespread adoption of organic light emitting diode (OLED) based electronic devices, and the knowledge and lessons that have been fundamental to such fields have recently begun to be adopted by the organic scintilator community. In this work, new approaches to the design of both plastic scintillator components, and of the materials as a whole, are described, with particular emphasis paid towards the design and synthesis of small molecule scintillating dyes that are specifically tailored towards the development of PSD-capable plastic scintilators. In the first of these approaches, the design and synthesis of a highly soluble and polymerizable derivative of 9,10-diphenylanthracene is described, and the properties of plastic scintilators fabricated from this dye when copolymerized with poly(vinyl toluene) were investigated. This particular approach was used to demonstrate a proof-of-concept of PSD in highly loaded plastics stabilized through copolymerization of the primary dye, a strategy conceived to address the particular shortcomings of the current generation of PSD plastics. The second general approach investigated is the application of the phenomenon of thermally activated delayed fluorescence (TADF) — most notably a key innovation among the latest developments in OLED technologies — to the enhancement of the performance of organic sicntillators. Several key observations about the potential and efficacy of TADF dyes as novel organic scintillators were made, including a demonstration of the profound effects the the TADF phenomenon can have on scintillation properties. These findings suggest that it is quite possible that TADF dyes could eventually enable an entirely new generation of high performance organic scintillators, and PSD-capable plastics in particular.

Introduction. The problem of anesthesia is characterized as one of social one, the dissemination of which is reasonably a number of negative factors. It is accented on the fact that the need to address it due to the lack of active prevention of the spread of drug use among adolescents and young adults. Purpose is disclosure of the specifics of socio-pedagogical work on re-socialization of drug addicts in the rehabilitation centers. Results. The main challenges for the specialists of socio-pedagogical work: prevention of HIV and other infections among drug-dependent persons; identification and social support for injecting drug users. As in socio-pedagogical work with other types of clients advised to stick to basic principles (understanding instead of condemnation, voluntary and partnership instead of control, confidentiality, sincerity and trust, close cooperation with family, assistance for self-help, comprehensive care), as well as principles of effective treatment proposed by the Institute for the study of drug addiction at the National Institute of health, USA. The attention is focused on the most common models of socio-pedagogical work on resocialization of drug addicts in a rehabilitation centers that focus on complete abstinence from drugs and aimed at reducing harm from drug use: medical, educational, and models of the self. Among the varieties of the programs used in the process of socio-pedagogical work on resocialization of drug addicts in the rehabilitation centers, advantage provide preventive, curative and rehabilitation, as well as functional equivalents, family drug prevention, harm reduction and risk reduction, peer, religious, prevention. Originality. Noteworthy are the types and forms of socio-pedagogical rehabilitation of drug addicts in the rehabilitation centers, as well as methods, which are usually classified into groups depending on the following criteria: purpose; end purpose; population; on the General principles of the impact on society; educational programmers; programmer of life skills. Conclusion. All this allows us to describe the Ukrainian anti-drug policy as restrictive, which is characterized by a strong and hard fight against illicit drugs, their illegal market, as well as a humane attitude to drug addicts. At the national level, it is implemented in the form of legislative regulation of social relations, and regional – in the form of local programmers and activities, which include the activities of numerous state agencies, public organizations, foundations and healing lodges. The activities of rehabilitation centers require further study.

This is a reflection article whose main objective is to demonstrate, on the stage of contemporary international law, the new threats that drug trafficking represents in what refers to the security agenda, as well as its social, economic and cultural effects. States to compare the threat: Colombia and Mexico. The methodology is comparative and, as main outcome, it is measured the one of the communities identified with drug trafficking and its related contraband markets, which underpin on the illicit transnational relationship of drug trafficking networks with State ties strengthened through cooptation of political and security systems. The Caribbean region is the geostrategic enclave for narcotics trade: production and wholesale trade area, and place of distribution through violent patterns, a kind of narco-incoterms. ; Artículo de reflexión cuyo objetivo principal es demostrar en el escenario del derecho internacional contemporáneo, las nuevas amenazas que representa el narcotráfico en lo que se refiere a la agenda de seguridad, así como sus efectos sociales, económicos y culturales. Los Estados a comparar la amenaza: Colombia y México. La metodología es comparativa y como principales resultados, se dimensiona el de las comunidades identificadas con el narcotráfico y sus mercados de contrabando conexos, que se cimientan en la relación transnacional ilícita de redes narcotraficantes con vínculos estatales consolidados a través de la cooptación de los sistemas políticos y de seguridad. La región Caribe es el enclave geoestratégico para el comercio de narcóticos: zona de producción, de comercio al por mayor y lugar de distribución mediante pautas violentas, una especie de narco-incoterms. ; Artigo de reflexão cujo objetivo principal é demostrar, no cenário do direito internacional contemporâneo, as novas ameaças que o narcotráfico representa no que se refere à agenda de segurança, assim como os seus efeitos sociais, econômicos e culturais. Os Estados onde a ameaça é comparada são a Colômbia e o México. A metodologia é comparativa e como principais resultados é dimensionado o das comunidades identificadas com o narcotráfico e os seus mercados de contrabando conexos, que se alicerçam na relação transnacional ilícita de redes narcotraficantes com vínculos estatais consolidados através da cooptação dos sistemas políticos e de segurança. A região Caribe é o encrave geoestratégico para o comércio de narcóticos: zona de produção, de comércio por atacado e lugar de distribuição mediante pautas violentas, uma espécie de narco-incoterms.

Jeffrey A. Singer


Last month, Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D‑TX) introduced the Secure Testing Resources Instead of Prosecuting (STRIP) Act. The act would clarify the language in the Controlled Substances Act that defines federally prohibited drug paraphernalia to make plain that "fentanyl drug testing equipment, including fentanyl test strips," are not illegal. This would undoubtedly be a helpful, if small, step in removing government obstacles to people wishing to provide harm reduction tools to help the people in their community who use drugs obtained on the black market.
Federal drug paraphernalia laws make it illegal to sell, transport through the mail, import, export, or transport across state lines federally defined drug paraphernalia. State paraphernalia laws prohibit simple possession and intrastate transfer of state‐​defined drug paraphernalia.
As Sophia Heimowitz and I reported in our Cato policy analysis last year, drug paraphernalia laws undermine harm reduction efforts. In the late 1970s, the Drug Enforcement Administration encouraged states to enact these laws. Our study found that every state except Alaska passed them.
When Cato released our study, the great majority of states considered any equipment used to test illicit drugs, including fentanyl test strips, to be illegal drug paraphernalia. As state lawmakers have increasingly recognized that allowing people to test the drugs they obtain on the black market for the presence of fentanyl can be a true lifesaver, more states have amended their drug paraphernalia laws to legalize fentanyl test strips explicitly.
In our policy analysis, we argue for repealing all drug paraphernalia laws because they stand in the way of other proven harm reduction strategies, including syringe service programs (also called "needle exchange" programs) and overdose prevention centers. To their credit, lawmakers in Minnesota repealed the state's drug paraphernalia laws last month. However, if full repeal is not politically feasible, the next best option is to amend the laws to remove as many obstacles to harm reduction as possible.
As I explained in testimony to members of the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Government Surveillance last March, the "iron law of prohibition"—the harder the law enforcement, the harder the drug—guarantees that doubling down on law enforcement of drug prohibition is not only futile, but it also promotes the cartels' development of new and more potent drugs and drug combinations. I told the subcommittee that we are already seeing the iron law's latest product, tranq (fentanyl infused with the veterinary tranquilizer xylazine), in growing numbers of overdose deaths, and I warned them that nitazenes might soon replace tranq.
Fortunately, the manufacturer of fentanyl test strips has now developed xylazine test strips. Alas, states that have amended their drug paraphernalia laws to permit fentanyl test strips must pass separate legislation allowing xylazine test strips. And when the next big drug takes the stage—maybe isotonitazene—lawmakers will need to introduce legislation legalizing nitazene test strips. As long as policymakers persist in prosecuting America's longest war, the war on drugs, the iron law of prohibition guarantees there will always be a new and more potent drug to wage war against.
Here's a suggestion to state lawmakers: if it is not politically feasible to repeal state drug paraphernalia laws, then at least make all drug testing equipment and devices legal. I have the same advice for Congress: change the wording of the STRIP Act from "fentanyl drug testing equipment, including fentanyl test strips" to simply state "drug testing equipment."
While most barriers to harm reduction are caused by state‐​level drug paraphernalia laws, Rep. Crockett's STRIP Act sends a message from Washington to state lawmakers that it is okay to allow black‐​market drug users to test for fentanyl. Congress can send state lawmakers an even stronger message by exempting any drug testing equipment from federal paraphernalia laws or, better yet, by repealing federal drug paraphernalia laws altogether.

The article analyzes the process of de-securitization and securitization of drug trafficking in Colombia and the influence of the Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) on this process. To this end, the concept of "securitization", developed by the Copenhagen School, is used as a theoretical approach. Through the Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) method, the speech acts of the administrations of Santos and Duque are analyzed, in order to identify the justifications for the decisions they made and changes in their approach to the fight against illicit drugs. It is concluded that the Peace Agreement was an attempt to de-securitize the strategy to fight drug trafficking in Colombia, given that it highlighted the political dimension of that illegal market and urged the State to promote a comprehensive solution beyond the military strategy and the threat to national security. ; El artículo analiza el proceso de desecuritización y securitización del narcotráfico en Colombia y la influencia del Acuerdo de Paz entre el gobierno colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC-EP) en este proceso. Para ello, se utiliza como enfoque teórico el concepto de securitización desarrollado por la Escuela de Copenhague. A través del método de Análisis Político del Discurso (APD), se contemplan los actos de habla de las administraciones Santos y Duque, a fin de identificar las justificaciones para las decisiones que tomaron y los cambios de enfoque de estas en la lucha contra las drogas ilícitas. Se concluye que el Acuerdo de Paz fue un intento de desecuritización de la estrategia de lucha contra el narcotráfico en Colombia, dado que intentó resaltar la dimensión política de un mercado ilegal como este e instó al Estado a propender por una solución integral más allá del combate militar y la amenaza a la seguridad nacional. ; O artigo analisa o processo de dessecuritização e securitização do narcotráfico na Colômbia e a influência do Acordo de Paz entre o governo colombiano e as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC-EP) sobre este processo. Para isso, o conceito de "securitização" desenvolvido pela Escola de Copenhague é usado como uma abordagem teórica. Através do método da Análise do Discurso Político (APD), os "atos de fala" das administrações Santos e Duque, a fim de identificar as justificações das decisões que tomaram e as mudanças na sua abordagem na luta contra as drogas ilícitas. Os autores concluem que o Acordo de Paz foi uma tentativa de dessecuritizar a estratégia de combate ao narcotráfico na Colômbia, destacando a dimensão política de um mercado ilegal como esse e instando o Estado a promover uma solução abrangente além do combate militar e da ameaça à segurança nacional.

The paper estimates an influence of government alcohol policies on the road accidents dynamics in Russian regions. The research was based on the regional data provided by Rosstat, for years 2001-2013. The sample included 962 observation units from 74 regions of the Russian Federation. Alcohol deterrence measures under review included temporal bans on alcohol sales and price instruments (increase in alcohol prices due to excise taxes for spirits and floor price for vodka). Among other controlled for variables were population density, unemployment, number of automobiles per person in a region. The authors also differentiated between the regions with developed illegal alcohol markets and those where illegal alcohol trade was not widespread. To do so, the authors used the number of audits by authorized bodies that revealed law infringements in alcohol production or trade. Econometric analysis revealed a favorable influence of temporal bans on the number of road accidents. In addition it was proved that in the regions with strict control over illicit trafficking of alcohol the number of traffic accidents decreased as a result of reducing the permitted alcohol trading hours. The number of accidents in a region is negatively correlated with unemployment level and population density. At the same time, the presented data does not show definite correlation between price mechanisms and the number of road accidents in Russian regions. ; В статье оценивается эффективность воздействия мер алкогольной политики на динамику дорожно-транспортных происшествий (ДТП) в российских регионах. Анализ основан на региональных данных Росстата за период 2001-2013 гг. Выборка включала 962 единицы наблюдения в 74 субъектах Российской Федерации. Оценивалась зависимость частоты возникновения дорожно-транспортных происшествий от таких мер алкогольной политики, как введение запрета на ночную торговлю спиртным и повышение цен на алкогольную продукцию. Контролировались другие факторы, способные оказывать влияние на распространенность ДТП в регионе, такие как плотность населения, обеспеченность жителей региона автомобилями, уровень безработицы. При этом учитывалось то обстоятельство, что в ряде регионов России существенная доля потребляемого алкоголя производится и реализуется нелегально. С этой целью в программу анализа дополнительно был включен показатель числа проверок, осуществляемых уполномоченными государственными органами, в ходе которых были выявлены правонарушения, связанные с незаконным производством и оборотом алкогольной продукции. В результате эконометрического анализа было выявлено положительное влияние мер по ограничению времени торговли алкоголем на сокращение числа совершаемых ДТП. Кроме того, было установлено, что в регионах, где осуществляется строгий контроль над незаконным производством и оборотом спиртных напитков, на снижение количества ДТП влияет более раннее время начала действия запрета на торговлю алкогольной продукцией. Одновременно была установлена отрицательная взаимосвязь уровня ДТП с такими показателями, как плотность населения и уровень безработицы. В то же время проведенный анализ не позволил сделать однозначного вывода о характере влияния ценовых механизмов алкогольной политики государства на дорожно-транспортную ситуацию в субъектах Российской Федерации.

The implementation of anti-drug policies that focus on illicit crops in the Andean countries faces many significant obstacles, one of which is the cultural clash it generates between the main stakeholders. On the one hand one finds the governments and agencies that attempt to implement crop substitution and eradication policies and on the other the peasant and natives communities that have traditionally grown and used coca or those peasants who have found in coca an instrument of power and political leverage that they never had before. The confrontation about coca eradication, alternative development and other anti-drug policies in coca growing areas transcends drug related issues and is part of a wider and deeper confrontation that reflects the long-term unsolved conflicts of the Andean societies. All Andean countries have stratified and fragmented societies in which peasants and Indians have been excluded from power. In Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru most peasants belong to native communities many of which have remained segregated from "white" society. The mixing of the races (mestizaje) in Colombia occurred early during the Conquest and Colony. Those of Indian descent became subservient to the Spanish and Creoles. The society that evolved was (and still is) highly hierarchical, authoritarian, and has subjacent racist values. The resulting political system has been exclusionary of large portions of the population. Among Indian communities coca has been used for millennia and its use has become an identity symbol of their resistance against what may be looked at as foreign invasion. "The Andean Indian chews coca because that way he affirms his identity as son and owner of the land that yesterday the Spaniard took away and today the landowner keeps away from him. To chew coca is to be Indian.and to quietly and obstinately challenge the contemporary lords that descend from the old encomenderos and the older conquistadors" (Vidart, 1991: 61, author's translation). In Andean literature on illegal drugs as well as in seminars, colloquia and other meetings where drug policies are debated, complaints are frequently expressed about the treatment of coca in the same category as cocaine, heroin, morphine amphetamines and other "hard" drugs. The complainants assert that "coca is not cocaine" and that it is unfair to classify coca, a nature given plant which has been used for millennia in the Andes without significant negative effects on users, in the same category as man made psychotropic drugs. They also argue that coca has manifold social and religious meanings in indigenous cultures, that coca is sacred and that the requirement of the1961 Single Convention demanding that Bolivia and Peru completely eradicate coca within 25 years is limiting Indigenous communities in their freedom to practice their religions. In most debates about drug interdiction, the views of those who oppose that approach are not accepted as legitimate. Indeed, "prohibitionists" demonize drugs and those who oppose drug policies in Latin America frequently demonize the United States as the imperialist power that imposes them. This dual polarization is a main obstacle to establish a meaningful policy debate aimed at broadening the policy consensus necessary for successful policy implementation. This essay surveys the status of coca in the United Nations Conventions, explains why it is confusing, and how a few changes would eliminate some of the sources of conflict and help organize and control licit coca markets in the Andes. The current disorganized and weakly controlled legal coca market in Peru has been analyzed to demonstrate its deficiencies and to illustrate possible improvements in international drug control policies.