Suchergebnisse

Since the last century, the obsession of Mexican, Spanish and Portuguese reformists has been to make up the lost ground with modernized countries. This paper compares the experiences of Spain and Portugal in the European Union (EU) and of Mexico in NAFTA to study how integration has affected their economic structures and economic performance. It examines the relationship between regional integration, economic growth, and democratic consolidation in these three countries, and draws some lessons based on their regional integration experiences. ; Desde o século passado, a obsessão dos reformistas Mexicanos, Espanhóis e Portugueses tem sido a de recuperar o terreno perdido face aos países modernizados. Este artigo compara as experiências de Espanha e Portugal na União Europeia (UE) e do México na Associação de Livre Comercio da América do Norte (TLCAN) para avaliar como a integração afectou as suas estruturas e desempenho económicos. Estuda também a relação entre integração regional, crescimento económico e consolidação democrática nestes três países, e tira algumas lições baseadas nas suas estratégias de integração regional.

The relation between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) is the most institutionalised interregional relationship in the world. The EU, being a crucial external agent in African regional integration, exports open regionalism as a political norm through different mechanisms to the AU. Based on a qualitative research design with a constructivist theoretical viewpoint that regards regional organisations as interdependent political authorities, the dissertation examines the AU's receptivity to the EU's attempted norm diffusion and explores genuine AU norm import of European promoted regional integration. A document analysis of official EU and AU declarations and legislation in combination with primary data collected via semi-structured interviews with officials at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa offers further insights into the African perspective on regional integration. Out of a variety of EU norm export channels, the study identifies capacity-building in the form of technical and financial assistance as most influential in promoting African regional integration processes. While coercion and political dialogue respectively lead to AU resistance and decoupling alias theatre regionalism, capacity-building and positive conditionality result in institutional incorporation and policy changes. A choice-oriented approach traces this genuine norm import in response to civilian norm diffusion mechanisms back to the external agency of the EU, despite major constraints like the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU and alternative interregional options within the alliance of emerging market economies. Yet, the limited traceable AU institutional and policy reforms reveal the agency of the AU. Norm import cannot be taken for granted; it only occurs when sufficient incentives are offered to the receiving side. Political dialogue is inspirational, but needs to be supplemented with financial and technical assistance to yield genuine norm import. These findings contribute to a better understanding of prospective EU-AU relations and can be used by policy-makers to adjust interregional negotiations like the on-going post-Cotonou consultations.

This article analyses the EU's influence on regional institutional change in Mercosur and the Southern African Development Community from a diffusion perspective. Focusing on market-building objectives and dispute settlement mechanisms, it addresses the puzzle that policy-makers in both regions have, over time, increasingly adopted EU-style institutional arrangements even though alternative institutional models more suitable to their preferences for 'pragmatic', sovereignty-preserving cooperation have been available at various critical junctures of institutional evolution. The article makes two main arguments. First, it suggests that EU influence has affected outcomes in several specific ways that are irreducible to, and quite different from, mainstream functional accounts of economic regionalism. Second, it contends that the diffusion of EU institutional templates can be understood as a process of spurred emulation, when regional policy-makers emulate EU institutional models under conditions of uncertainty and promoted by EU-oriented domestic actors as well as the EU's direct involvement in the process.

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) treaty was signed in Lagos on May 28, 1975, with a mandate to promote cooperation among member states and thus create a regional economic bloc. The essence of the treaty is to remove obstacles to the free movement of goods, capital, and people in the sub-region. While this integration project is noted for economic prosperity and development, it tends to have occasioned trans-border security management challenges in West Africa. Therefore, this paper examines the management of trans-border security challenges emanating from regional integration efforts in the West African sub-region. It is anchored on Neo-functional integration theory and relies on qualitative secondary data sourced through documents. This paper posits that achieving socio-economic prosperity for West Africa required eliminating certain barriers and restrictions to economic activities. However, the paper establishes that the implementation of integration programmes has thrown up new challenges for trans-border security management due to seemingly unregulated migration. It concludes that the integration programme wrapped in the ECOWAS protocol on the free movement of goods and persons has constituted bottlenecks for trans-border security management in Nigeria. It is therefore recommended among others that Nigeria's government should strengthen its border patrol and establish a joint border patrol between Nigeria and other neighbouring countries to ensure effective trans-border security management.

The Africa Capacity Report (ACR) and its supporting indicators offer inputs for decisions on what to finance to develop capacity. Most countries are doing well on their policy environments and having processes in place to implement policies. Countries are doing less well on achieving development results and least on capacity development outcomes. The Report and its indicators also point to the regulatory and institutional reforms needed to better support public–private partnerships in capacity investment and building—and to the investments needed to further strengthen public administration. And they spotlight the importance of political will to enhance social inclusion and development. Each Report showcases an annual theme of key importance to Africa's development agenda. This year the focus is on the capacity imperatives for regional integration, a core mandate of the ACBF, and on the capacities of the regional economic communities (RECs). The Report outlines what is needed to strengthen the RECs. Integrate capacity building in wider efforts to achieve sustainable development. Assure adequate administrative and financial resources. Emphasize the retention and use of skills, not just their acquisition. And monitor and evaluate all efforts to develop capacity. The capacity dimensions and imperatives for regional integration are crucial today as countries, RECs, specialized regional institutions, and regional development organizations, are developing strategic regional frameworks and building capacity to pursue regional integration across the continent. The ACBF's many regionally oriented interventions help move the regional integration agenda forward by strengthening the RECs as platforms for harmonizing policy and enhancing trade among member countries.

Africa is well endowed with organizations to promote regional cooperation and integration. It has 8 African Union (AU)-recognized regional economic communities (RECs), 7 other economic organizations and 25 specialized regional organizations (ROs). On average each country is member of 3 RECs and 4 other ROs. The number of continental treaties signed by African Union member states has accelerated over the last four decades. At the same time, progress on ratifying and implementing these and their regional equivalents is slow, undermining their impacts. This has led to calls to rationalize memberships. At its 50th anniversary in 2013, the AU launched the 50year AU2063 programme, "The Africa we want, " with 15 flagship projects, heralding a renewed push towards continent-wide projects.

Africa is well endowed with organizations to promote regional cooperation and integration. It has 8 African Union (AU)-recognized regional economic communities (RECs), 7 other economic organizations and 25 specialized regional organizations (ROs). On average each country is member of 3 RECs and 4 other ROs. The number of continental treaties signed by African Union member states has accelerated over the last four decades. At the same time, progress on ratifying and implementing these and their regional equivalents is slow, undermining their impacts. This has led to calls to rationalize memberships. At its 50th anniversary in 2013, the AU launched the 50year AU2063 programme, "The Africa we want, " with 15 flagship projects, heralding a renewed push towards continent-wide projects.