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Main description: Was fördert, was hemmt die Integration von Zuwanderern? Welche Konzepte können als erfolgreich angesehen werden? Vor dem Hintergrund internationaler Erfahrungen greifen die Beiträge dieses Bandes zentrale Themen der Debatte auf: Integration durch Recht, Multikulturalismus, interkulturelle Öffnung, Eingliederung in den Arbeitsmarkt und Staatsangehörigkeitspolitik. Präzise und kritisch analysieren sie Stärken und Schwächen bisher verfolgter Ansätze und zeigen Perspektiven für Politik, Integrationsarbeit und Wissenschaft auf.

In this paper, I examine the case for immigration restrictions by formulating and discussing three environmental objections to a justice-based argument for more open borders. The objection from the right to healthy environment claims that increased immigration to developed states will result in overpopulation and states must restrict immigration in order to respect the basic human right to a healthy environment. The objection from global environmental effects claims that restrictions on immigration are justified in order to limit the total output of greenhouse gases emitted by developed states. The objection from the global commons claims that a more open border regime threatens the feasibility of policies that seek to control the growth of population in developing countries. I argue that all three versions of the environmental challenge fail to establish their conclusions and that the case for more open borders cannot be counteracted on these grounds.

In this article, we investigate the determinants of individuals' opinions concerning the economic impact of immigrants. Unlike most previous studies, we use a large sample of 61 countries (Joint WVS/EVS 2017–2020 dataset) that are either net receivers or net emitters of migrants. Using a multilevel model, we test the effect of individuals' characteristics and of several macroeconomic variables on the assessment of immigrants' impact on development. We highlight that natives' evaluation of the economic consequences of immigration is more influenced by age, trust, education, and income than by contextual variables such as growth, inflation, inequalities, income level, or number of immigrants in the country. Our results match with the hypothesis that immigrants are considered substitutes for low- and medium-skilled workers in capital-abundant countries. However, neither labour-market nor welfare-state considerations can be considered as the main drivers of the appraisals made about the economic impact of immigration. Our results tend to confirm the prediction that greater contact with immigrants reduces anti-immigrant opinions, in particular for skilled people. In contrast, immigrant inflows lead low- and medium-skilled people to make worse judgments concerning the economic consequences of immigration. All in all, our results validate the view that education comprises a major part of the cognitive assessment of the role played by immigrants in the economy, at least in high-income countries.

Immer mehr Menschen sind immer länger auf der Flucht. Dabei findet eine zunehmend größere Zahl von Menschen in Städten statt in Lagern Zuflucht. Das birgt zwar Chancen für lokale Integration, belastet aber die Stadtverwaltungen stark und entspricht selten den Wünschen der Regierungen von Aufnahmeländern, die meist eine Unterbringung in Lagern außerhalb von Städten bevorzugen. Auch humanitäre Orga­nisationen - wie das Hohe Flüchtlingskommissariat der Vereinten Nationen (UNHCR) - sind mit urbanen Fluchtsituationen häufig überfordert. Angesichts dessen sollte sich die Bundesregierung anlässlich des ersten Globalen Flüchtlingsforums am 17./ 18. Dezember 2019 in Genf dafür einsetzen, dass bewährte Ansätze zur Unter­stützung betroffener Städte angepasst und neue Ansätze geschaffen werden.

In diesem Artikel berichten wir aus der narrativen Studie zu einem Community-basierten Projekt, mit dem Immigrant/innen bei ihrer Ankunft in einer Stadt in Ontario, Kanada, unterstützt werden sollten. Wir nutzten hierbei einen raumbezogenen Zugang, um die Vorstellungen relevanter Stakeholder als Repräsentant/innen lokaler Einrichtungen und von Behörden in deren jeweiliger Alltagspraxis zu situieren. Im Beitrag reflektieren wir kritisch, wie der von uns vorgeschlagene narrative Forschungsansatz eine dialogische, kollaborative und kritische Orientierung, die für Aktionsforschung essenziell ist, im Prozess der Planung und Umsetzung des Projektes unterstützt hat. Wir kommen zu dem Schluss, dass durch ihn ein wichtiger Zugang für eine Community-basierte Handlungsforschung und zur Untersuchung der Vielschichtigkeit von Meinungsbildungsprozessen eröffnet wurde entgegen der insbesondere in positivistischen Ansätzen vorfindbaren Vereinfachungen.

This article focuses on the returns to human capital of migrants and minorities in the UK. The question of whether skills and qualifications are properly utilized is very pertinent given the global competition for skilled migrants and the aim of European and British markets to attract such workers. Using data from Understanding Society (2009 to 2017) we find that there is a clear evidence of ethnic hierarchies with black Caribbean and black African minorities generally most disadvantaged, while other white UK-born have the best outcomes compared to the white British. Western migrants generally do very well, but new EU migrants have high levels of employment, and low returns to their qualifications and relatively high levels of over-qualification. Foreign qualifications are generally discounted, and more so for migrants with less certain legal status or low language skills. Public sector employment plays an important role and is associated with the higher economic placement of migrants and minorities in the UK. There are some worrying trends however. Highly skilled migrants, particularly black migrants as well as those from Eastern Europe, come in with high qualifications, but their jobs do not match their skill levels.

Previous research on the Italian case has shown that non-Western immigrants are very likely to hold low-qualified jobs and that their occupational mobility chances are rather poor, which suggests low returns to education. In this paper, we investigate whether, and to what extent, immigrants' different areas of origin moderate the returns to educational degrees obtained in the origin country. Data from a survey on the immigrant population (carried out in 2011-2012) are used, and, differently from previous studies, we focus on returns to origin-country education with respect to both the socioeconomic status of the first job found on arrival and the subsequent occupational mobility. The results show that almost all non-Western immigrants experience remarkably low returns to post-secondary education on their first job. Contrary to other West-European countries, those returns in Italy are only slightly different by area of origin, which suggests that differences in the transferability and quality of skills are scarcely relevant in a strongly segmented labour market. Rather, the modes of labour market insertion- e.g., formal search methods or relying on contacts with natives - have a sizeable impact on the returns. Origin-country post-secondary degrees are also consistently associated with low returns on subsequent mobility, although highly educated immigrants from new EU member states experience higher chances of upward mobility. In line with some recent findings, recognition of educational credentials seems decisive for the very few non-Western immigrants who are able either to access better-qualified jobs on arrival or to improve their occupational status over time.

Most existing scholarly work available on Colombian migrants' transnational political practices has emphasised the divisions, mistrust and apathy affecting them. However, research conducted by the author among Colombians in the United Kingdom and Spain departs from previous studies by stressing the broad nature of migrants' transnational political participation, which involves engagement in both formal and informal politics, at the individual and collective levels, and in initiatives coming from 'above' and 'below'. It also shows how transnational political practices oriented towards the home country occur simultaneously with activities in the host society, contrary to what has generally been thought. This was more the case among Colombians in Spain than those in the United Kingdom, which could be partly explained by differences in the historical development and size of each community, as well as the role played by individual factors, such as migrants' previous political experiences.

En este trabajo, se analizan tanto las representaciones mediáticas de los jóvenes inmigrantes latinoamericanos en la prensa española, como el papel de los medios de comunicación en el contexto de las migraciones contemporáneas y, desde la economía política de la comunicación y el análisis crítico del discurso, las formas mediáticas de las narrativas de exclusión, no solamente en su forma retórica, sino en el acceso al debate social. Para tal efecto, el artículo se centra en cuatro interrogantes: ¿cómo se ha venido configurando el panorama demográfico de las migraciones de jóvenes latinoamericanos en España? ¿Quiénes son los actores recurrentes en las informaciones sobre inmigración en el discurso mediático? ¿Qué mecanismos de representación discursiva generan las noticias sobre violencias urbanas relacionadas con jóvenes de minorías étnicas? ¿En qué medida se inserta la figura de los jóvenes latinos en el discurso europeo de la exclusión?

Die zirkuläre Migration nimmt zu. Immer mehr Menschen bewegen sich aus beruflichen und familiären Gründen zwischen mindestens zwei Ländern: als Homo Transnationalis. Diese Prozesse können sich in einer zunehmenden Verbreitung von Menschenrechten, aber auch in der Ausübung von Menschenhandel zeigen. Die Soziale Arbeit als Grundlagenwissenschaft muss angesichts dieser Herausforderungen eine neue wissenschaftliche Theorie als Paradigma entwickeln und als Handlungswissenschaft auch eine strategisch-praktische Antwort formulieren.