We measure the extent to which military spending policy reflects public opinion, while controlling for other reasonable influences on policy. We use survey data as an indicator of aggregate public opinion on military spending and find evidence that changes in public opinion consistently exert an effect on changes in military spending. The influence of public opinion is less important than either Soviet military spending or the gap between U.S. and Soviet military spending and more important than the deficit and the balance of Soviet conflict/cooperation with the United States. We also examine the hypothesis that public opinion does not influence the government but that the government systematically manipulates public opinion. We find no evidence to support this hypothesis.
This dissertation explores the nature, significance and weight of Western and Chinese economic relations with Africa. The research first engages in comparative analysis of West – Africa and China – Africa politico-economic cooperation practices. On this basis, it then compares the working mechanisms of these practices to the mechanisms that promoted sustainable economic growth within mature (OECD) and recently developed (Asian Newly Industrialized Economies - NIEs) countries. The empirical analysis of Africa's balance of payments with its key economic partners – European Union and United States (as proxies for the West) and the People's Republic of China – shows that Official Development Assistance (ODA) only represents between 4% and 6% of the total exchanges between the West and Africa, and even a smaller percentage of total exchanges between China and Africa. On the other side, a quantitative analysis of Africa's trade, inward FDI, primary income, portfolio investments and capital flight suggests that they generally contribute in transferring financial resources from Africa towards Western countries and China. The dissertation shows that, while ODA redistributes among African beneficiary countries a small percentage (generally well below the 0.7% GDP threshold set by the United Nations) of the wealth created within donor countries, both the West and China appear to extract solid rents and profits from their relations with Africa. The qualitative analysis of the institutional and normative frameworks that underpin such exchanges reveals that such frameworks are profoundly different from those that were put in place by OECD countries and NIEs to foster sustainable development within their own economies. In sum, the dissertation argues that the institutional and normative frameworks in which African international economic relations are currently embedded are not helping to activate the productive social dynamics necessary for endogenous and sustainable economic growth in Africa. ; published_or_final_version ; Modern Languages and Cultures ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy
Purpose of the Study: The aim of the research is to study the tendencies and potential of the church-state relationship at a critical juncture of the great political transformations. An objective need to analyze the past experience of church-state interrelations in Russia and to identify social and cultural role of church as the embodiment of religion served as the incentive for the present study. The article considers church-state relationship under the Soviet regime, the tragedy of their coexistence, reflected in a strong opposition, oppression and almost complete liquidation of the church, and, as a result, its accommodation in relations with the government within that period. Methodology: The authors used philosophical analysis of the church-state interaction, historicism and comparison principles enabling to consider its dynamics and evolution trends within the defined period. The researchers make the presumption that church-state relationship should be maintained on a cultural dialogue and cooperation basis in contrast with prior politicizing it. Result: The authors prove the provision that state performs not only external social function of organization and subjugation, but, in fact, defines moral criteria of living as a community of like-minded individuals. The conclusion about purely utilitarian and politicized perception of the social position of the church by Soviet state is drawn. Implications: Theoretical implication of the study is promotion of the further research and development in the direction due to the methods used in the study. The material can also be used within university courses on history, culture theory, cultural studies and sociology of religion, history of world religions. Novelty: The novelty of the study is manifested in introducing of expanded concepts of church and state in the context of their interaction into scientific circulation.
Раздел "Международные отношения" - рубрика "Беларусь в двусторонних отношениях" ; В статье представлен анализ белорусско-российского взаимодействия на межрегиональном и приграничном уровнях, проблем, перспектив и новых форм указанного сотрудничества. При этом автор предпринимает попытку изучить и оценить роль данных контактов, возможного создания урбоаграрных агломераций, агротехнопарков в обеспечении экономической безопасности белорусского государства и преодолении последствий мирового политико-экономического кризиса. Особое внимание уделяется вопросам совершенствования законодательной базы в сфере межрегионального, приграничного торгово-экономического сотрудничества и расширения полномочий региональных властей. Изучена также практика функционирования СЭЗ, определены и теоретико-методологически обоснованы конкретные направления и проекты сотрудничества Беларуси и России в формате приграничного и межрегионального взаимодействия. По мнению автора, такая интеграция будет содействовать наполнению Союзного государства конкретным содержанием. = The article presents an analysis of Belarus-Russia cooperation on inter-regional and trans-border levels, its problems, prospects and new forms. While doing this the author tries to explore and evaluate the role of the said contacts, possibilities to establish urban agrarian agglomerations, agrarian industrial parks for ensuring economic security of the Belarusian state and overcoming the consequences of global political and economic crisis. Special attention is paid to the issues of perfecting the legislative base in the field of inter-regional and transborder trade, economic cooperation and broadening of the authority of regional administrations. The author also studied the experience of free economic zones functioning, gave definition and methodologically reasoned specific directions and projects of Belarus-Russia cooperation in the trans-border and inter-regional format. According to the author, such integration will contribute to the Union State with real activities.
'Das zusammenwachsende Europa und die Öffnung der Binnengrenzen bringen Touristen und Geschäftsleuten eine Reihe von Erleichterungen. Allerdings profitieren auch Organisierte Kriminalität und transnationaler Terrorismus von dem Verzicht auf Grenzkontrollen zwischen den EU-Staaten. Zur Erhöhung der inneren Sicherheit in einem Europa der offenen Grenzen wurde das Europäische Polizeiamt (Europol) ins Leben gerufen. Zwar hat es keine exekutiven Befugnisse wie die Ausstellung von Haftbefehlen oder Hausdurchsuchungen, denn dies soll weiterhin Aufgabe der nationalen Polizeikräfte sein. Doch Europol sammelt und analysiert Daten zu Straftätern, Verdächtigen, Tatzeugen und Kontaktpersonen im Bereich der grenzüberschreitenden Kriminalität. Damit trägt Europol zu effektiveren Strafverfolgung in den Mitgliedsstaaten bei. Gleichzeitig stellt die Speicherung und Verarbeitung personenbezogener Daten bereits einen Eingriff in das Grundrecht der informationellen Selbstbestimmung dar. Für die nationalen Parlamente wird die Kontrolle der Polizei durch die Europäisierung der Polizeiarbeit erschwert. Zugleich fehlen dem Europäischen Parlament die Kompetenzen, das Kontrolldefizit der nationalen Parlamente auszugleichen. Somit findet die europäische Polizeikooperation weitgehend ohne parlamentarische Beteiligung statt. Eine ähnliche Lücke tut sich im Bereich der gerichtlichen Kontrolle auf. Die Zuständigkeiten der nationalen Gerichte sind eingeschränkt, ohne dass der Europäische Gerichtshof für den Schutz der Grundrechte verantwortlich gemacht worden ist. Der Entwurf für einen europäischen Verfassungsvertrag, der 2002/2003 ausgehandelt wurde, gibt sowohl dem Europäischen Parlament als auch dem Europäischen Gerichtshof dringend benötigte Befugnisse, um die Kontrolle der Kontrolleure zu verbessern. Allerdings droht die Ratifizierung an ganz anderen Streitpunkten - vor allem in Großbritannien - zu scheitern. Für diesen Fall empfiehlt Wolfgang Wagner, die unstrittigen Reformen im Bereich der Polizeikooperation zügig in europäisches Recht umzusetzen.' (Autorenreferat)
The Union State of Belarus and Russia is the oldest of the existing integration associations in the Eurasian space and, undoubtedly, is one of the foundations of the emerging architecture of Eurasian integration. During the period of its existence, the Union State has done a lot of work on the path of rapprochement of fraternal peoples, and even more ambitious tasks are to be implemented. This article examines the main problems of the Union construction, analyzes the key areas of cooperation between the member states of the Union State. The impressive advanced integration experience of the Union State in social, military-political, scientific-educational, as well as in a number of areas of the economic sphere can be used in the implementation of integration initiatives within other Eurasian regional associations and is extremely important and in demand precisely during the transition to multipolarity and the formation of the Eurasian center on the world stage. The Union State is a fraternal relationship proven over the years, built on mutual respect, attention to problems, joint achievements and the implementation of plans to mobilize common potential, guaranteed support in difficult periods without waiting for immediate returns. The benefits of such relations are achieved not only by scaling the market, conducting a coordinated foreign trade and technical policy, characteristic of the participants of "ordinary" economic associations. The predictability and trust inherent in fraternal friendship make it possible, for example, to lower individual thresholds for economic (and not only) security, since the reliable functioning of the economy is achieved together.
Regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific have been of limited efficacy. Asian members of organizations such a ASEAN and APEC have insisted that these institutions not infringe upon their sovereign rights. The basic norms, rules, structures and practices supporing these organization have, to varying degrees, reflected this concern. A number of factors contribute to explaining this regional reluctance to create effective multilateral institutions. This paper argues that the single most important factor is the concern of most East Asian states with domestic political legitimacy. Drawing on the work of Muthiah Alagappa and Mohammed Ayoob, the paper demonstrates that a significant majority of the states of East Asia see themselves as actively engaged in the process of creating coherent nations out of the disparate ethnic, religious and political groups within the state. As a result, these states are reluctant to compromise their sovereignty of their members. As an exceptional case, Japan has encouraged regional institutionalism, but it has also been sensitive to the weaknesses of its neighbours, and has found non-institutional ways to promote its regional interests. The incentives to create effective regional structures increased after the Asian economic crisis, but Asian attempts to reform existing institutions or create new ones have been undermined by the issues conncted to sovereignty. East Asian states recognize that they can best manage globalization and protect their sovereignty by creating and cooperating within effective regional institutions. However, their ability to create such structurs is compromised by their collective uncertainty about their domestic political legitimacy. In the emerging international environment, being a legitimate sovereign state may be a necessary prerequisite to participating in successful regional organizations. (Pas Rev/DÜI)
Com as novas configurações do ordenamento internacional nos últimos anos, os Estados nacionais passaram a dividir espaço com outros atores, dentre eles os blocos regionais e os atores subnacionais. No Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul), a Rede Mercocidades e o Foro Consultivo de Municípios, Estados Federados, Províncias e Departamentos (FCCR) configuram-se como as duas principais instâncias que levam as demandas locais para o âmbito regional. No presente artigo, objetiva-se analisar ambos os órgãos com vistas a discriminar suas formas de institucionalização e vínculos com o processo de integração, interpretar a formulação de suas agendas temáticas e caracterizar suas principais iniciativas. Parte-se da hipótese de que ainda há uma baixa, porém crescente, participação subnacional no nível institucional do Mercosul. Ademais, com os resultados obtidos, a conclusão atesta a importância das Mercocidades e do FCCR tanto para a articulação subnacional no bloco quanto para o próprio fortalecimento da integração regional para muito além dos anseios econômicos. Abstract: With the new configurations of the international order in recent years, the nation states began to share space with other actors, among them the regional blocs and subnational actors. In the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), the Mercocities and the Committee of Municipalities, States, Provinces and Departments (CCRM) constitute the two main instances that bring local demands for the regional level. This article aims to analyze both institutions with the intention to distinguish their forms of institutionalization and links with the integration process, investigate the formulation of their thematic agendas and characterize their main initiatives. It is assumed that there is still a low, but increasing, subnational participation in Mercosur's institutional level. Furthermore, with the results obtained, the conclusion underlines the importance of Mercocities and CCRM for the subnational articulation in the block and the strengthening of regional integration beyond economic anxieties.
THIS ARTICLE RE-EXAMINES CHARGES THAT BRITISH INTELLIGENCE HAD PRIOR KNOWLEDGE OF JAPAN'S INTENTION TO ATTACK PEARL HARBOR, AND THAT BRITAIN DID NOT SHARE THIS KNOWLEDGE WITH THE UNITED STATES. IT EXAMINES IN SOME DETAIL THE INTELLIGENCE COOPERATION THAT TOOK PLACE BETWEEN THE THREE AXIS POWERS: JAPAN, ITALY AND GERMANY. IT CONCLUDES THAT THE BRITISH PROBABLY DID KNOW MORE THAN HAS BEEN ADMITTED IN THE PAST SIMPLY BECAUSE ALL THE SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE WERE NOT FULLY SHARED WITH THE UNITED STATES. HOWEVER, THE ARGUMENT THAT MUCH EVIDENCE WAS SUPPRESSED SHOULD NOT BE TAKEN AS PROOF OF FOREKNOWLEDGE OR PRIOR DEDUCTION.
Abstract Although China's motives for developing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) have been well studied, scholars have yet to comprehensively examine why states seek to join the initiative. We fill this gap by examining how and why states join the BRI. Countries join by signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with China on cooperation under the BRI framework. These MOUs create few or no obligations for the states who sign them but increase the possibility of reaping future economic benefits. Thus, we argue that most states should join the BRI unless they view the costs of participation as higher. We hypothesize, and find support for, the argument that democracies are less likely to join because they view participating in a Chinese-led initiative as more costly than non-democracies. Our statistical analysis using a new dataset of BRI participants and paired case studies provides quantitative and qualitative support for this argument.
The rise of the Popular Republic of China (PRC) is one of the most significant events in contemporary international relations. However, at the global level, the "re-emergence of China as a major global power has led to a considerable debate over the likely consequences for the rest of the world" (Jenkins, 2010: 810). China's growing power raises questions as to the meaning of its superpower status as a nation, and the impact of its newfound influence in not only the Asia-Pacific region, but also the Global South (Dessein, 2015). In the specific case of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), the debate centers on the potential disadvantages that China's vast supply of financial resources might bring for the region. Accordingly, the current paper is intended to examine the debate that has arisen in recent literature around the impact of China's increased economic presence on Latin America –with win-win relations on the one hand and new dependency on the other.
A report on a part of a pure computer simulation model on the interdependence & mutual influence of the dyad US-South African within the international system is presented. The feedback model used is based on nonlinear, causal models that focus on an analytical separation of the present state of a system & its variation over time. Initial values & parameters are based on empirical data calculated by statistical procedures. Components of the analysis include questions on international relations & the domestic situation, the present state of the theoretical discussion, & an empirical analysis of data for the period 1964-1968. To find out how computer simulation can contribute to the analysis of process behavior in the international system, the effect of changes in US policy on influencing the SE & political development of South Africa toward liberalizing the government's racial policy is examined. Five experimental situations were run: (1) investment trends remain unchanged; (2) investment activity is stopped but existing investments remain in the country; (3) investments are withdrawn; (4) investment activity is increased by 5%, 10%, & 20%; & (5) the strategy of the antiapartheid coalition for influencing racial policy of South African changes from a policy of decreased descent to one of increased cooperation. Results of the different experiments show hardly any impact on the SE situation, especially on the apartheid policy of South Africa. Economic crises simulated in the model are shifted to the black population. The consequences are reflected more strongly in the relational aspect itself. A US economic boycott strategy spills over into the political field of the dyadic relation, whereas an incentive strategy strengthens cooperation with South Africa & thereby benefits the white power elite. 8 Figures, 1 Table. Modified HA.
