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The number of cancer patients in Europe is rising and significant advances in basic and applied cancer research are making the provision of optimal care more challenging. The concept of cancer as a systemic, highly heterogeneous and complex disease has increased the awareness that quality cancer care should be provided by a multidisciplinary team (MDT) of highly qualified healthcare professionals. Cancer patients also have the right to benefit from medical progress by receiving optimal treatment from adequately trained and highly skilled medical professionals. Built on the highest standards of professional training and continuing medical education, medical oncology is recognised as an independent medical specialty in many European countries. Medical oncology is a core member of the MDT and offers cancer patients a comprehensive and systemic approach to treatment and care, while ensuring evidence-based, safe and cost-effective use of cancer drugs and preserving the quality of life of cancer patients through the entire 'cancer journey'. Medical oncologists are also engaged in clinical and translational research to promote innovation and new therapies and they contribute to cancer diagnosis, prevention and research, making a difference for patients in a dynamic, stimulating professional environment. Medical oncologists play an important role in shaping the future of healthcare through innovation and are also actively involved at the political level to ensure a maximum contribution of the profession to Society and to tackle future challenges. This position paper summarises the multifarious and vital contributions of medical oncology and medical oncologists to today's and tomorrow's professional cancer care.

Colonial rule had influenced 19th century monumental Architecture as a form of imperial expression in India. European concepts of architecture reached the Asian subcontinent through visuals, literature, paintings and pattern books. Various examples from this neoclassical and neo gothic phase, also referred to as Anglo-Indian1, Indo-Sarasanic2, Indo Gothic3, Mughal Gothic4, Neogothic, Hindoo or Hindu5 Gothic architectural style that could be experiential at various levels and scales. This new vocabulary tried to reach not only the major cities under colonial rule but it reached the smaller towns and countryside instantaneously.6 7 Calcutta, Madras, Bombay procured their identity during the late eighteenth and nineteenth century beginning with neoclassical era. These three presidency towns developed with sculptural indications of the colonial rule. This was an effort of collaborative works between locals and British officials. Comparatively smaller towns like Poona8 tried to nurture its space as a part of this wave in their own way. Notably these emerging urban patterns gave rise to new public realm and social spaces. This research is divided into five parts commencing with literature review. Review of books, annals, travelogues, helps understand the context of research that is covered in detail in the further discussions. Diverse aspects of the colonial, with elements of local architecture developed in late 19th century India, are covered by various travellers, artists, historians and architects. This helps in developing frame of research and knowing what could be our contribution to the state of art. The first chapter analyses 19th century architecture developed in India and especially the Deccan9 as a result 1 Word Anglo-Indian architecture is used for style with English and Indian elements. Anglo-Indian is used by various British officers referring to person relating to England and India or a person of mixed English and Indian descent or an English person who lives or has lived for a long time in India. 2 Indo-Saracenic style mainly demonstrated by British architects and engineers to mention few Stevens, Chisholm, Beg, Charles Mant worked with local Indian contractors used Indo-Islamic and Indian architectural elements with Gothic revival style for various public buildings in India during late nineteenth century. Word Saracenic is used for people lived in desert areas nearby Roman province of Arabia. Meyer Schapiro defines style as "the constant form –and sometimes the constant elements, qualities and expression- in the art of an individual or group." Gothic revival styles defined empire style after great rebel of 1857. East India Company dissolved its powers and concentrated Queen Victoria's control on India lead in the development of architectural style using Gothic forms in Public buildings. 3 Indo Gothic phrase mainly indicates mix of Indian and Indo-Islamic forms with European Gothic style. 4 Mughal Gothic denotes elements from Mughal and Gothic architecture flourished in India in late nineteenth century. Mughal ruler was Muslim dynasty of Turkish Mongol called as Mughal rulers, ruled from 16th to mid 18th century in northern part of India. 5 Hindu or Hindoo word is generally referred to people from India. It's a pronunciation derived from Sindhu/ Indus River largest in India. 6 Jan Morris, Simon Winchester, Introduction to Stones of Empire: The buildings of the Raj, (Oxford University Press, 1983) 7 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered, (Partridge Publishing, 2014),5. 8 Poona is pronounced as 'Pune' in colloquial language. For research writing purpose it is used as Poona as the name used earlier in 19th century. 9 Deccan is a peninsular plateau located in central India comprised states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In this research western Deccan is mainly referred to western part of Maharashtra state developed under 8 of British initiative of infrastructure development following European models in Indian settings mainly for their own determination. With the examples of individual pattern of architectural expression it is significant to note how western models adapted in local climatic and geographical context. Some call this as magnificent pieces of architecture to some extent while in opinion of few these Indo Saracenic structures were unacquainted and had obsessive ornamentation too.10 Emergence of Public architecture in urban context focusing on essentials of European and local migrations were erected with western concepts. Collaborative works of European notions with Indian features lead to eclecticism in the manifestation of architectural style developed.11 Bombay presidency. 10 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered .cit., 6. 11 Christopher W., Bombay Gothic, (Mumbai, India Book House Pvt. Ltd., 2002), 131. Eclecticism he explains as "the 'discovery of a repository of styles established a great range of decorative options for architects of the period. In India, this led to the absorption of Hindu (Indo) and Mughal (Saracenic) architectural elements into neo-Gothic and Fig 1 St Paul Cathedral Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Fig 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 3 Deccan College Poona designed by St Clair Wilkins 1868. Designed in Venetian Gothic Style one of the landmark structure in Poona. Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 1 St Paul Cathedral Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863) Figure 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864) 9 Royal engineers were the key persons worked in collaboration with local engineers and masons at grass root level in the process of establishing British rule in India. Many of them came from middle and lower class families but reached greater heights by their performance. Diverse projects from basic architectural interventions, railway, bridges, basic infrastructure, and services were coordinated in India. They worked on European models in local context with successful and unsuccessful efforts.12 To explain this further, till early nineteenth century simple and function based structures built for residential and religious purposes. Engineers were experimenting and modifying European models considering local climatic conditions. From mid nineteenth century building construction activity received more attention as vocabulary of Raj13. Which kept on changing adapting local climate, material and incorporation of local traditional art forms in architecture. This argument extends with the cases of medieval town planning, comprising meandering roads for warfare strategies with fortress at a central location of main axis of town, those were extended with grid Iron pattern. This could be grasped prominently in case of towns where cantonments were developed under colonial rule like Ahmadnagar, Sholapur (Solapur), Kolhapur,14 and Poona in Deccan context under Bombay presidency. Multiethnic, cosmopolitan settlements took place in these newly developed areas.15 Cantonments flourished with residential units for British Officers and market space known as Sadar Bazar mainly comprising migrating communities like Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati16 to serve neo-classical compositions. Sometimes the buildings were pure enough in their use of indigenous stylistic sources to be called 'Indo-Saracenic' in other instances they were not, merely certain elements or certain areas of the building exhibited these unusually mixed stylistic character." 12 Sandes E. W. C. Lieut. Colonel, Preface The Military Engineer in India, Vol II, (Chatham: Institution of Royal Engineers, 1933), 35. 13 Word Raj indicates British hegemony in India. 14 Ahmadnagar, Sholapur, Kolhapur are few of important historic towns of western Maharashtra developed under Bombay presidency in 19th century 15 Deddee Jaymala and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit Introduction. 16 Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati are different trading communities settled in parts of India. Parsi belongs to Iran, Boharas are Muslims from parts of Pakistan and Gujarat, Tamils and Gujarati are from state of Tamilnadu and Figure 4 Reay Market Designed by Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar Photo by Lavand Vaidehi 10 British residential colonies. This mix culture of Anglo-Indian society reflected in the development of architectural language emerged in the vicinity in several typologies. Then cases of late 19th century Poona developed with its preexisting native town with two cantonments and Sadarbazzar (Market adjacent to cantonment) with evolving typologies of buildings are examined with the support of varied sources. The reasons behind selecting Poona as an example of this process of change in architectural style are its geographical location, political and cultural importance in Deccan region. It was the monsoon capital under Bombay presidency. Two major events such as the railway connecting Poona with Bombay and formation of municipality geared physical expansion of the town.17 Sir Bartle Frere's18 (Fig 1 and 2) initiatives of public building activities in Poona lead in developing face of Poona as an Educational hub, which is well known even today. Building activity at an early stage of colonial expanse was mainly utility based. But later officers in East India Company implemented policy of getting connected with local rulers so they beheld for architectural style that will impress locals and reflect power of colonial rulers. European surveyors and engineers procured and adapted various elements, details and layouts from pattern books for particular site requirements.19 Native philanthropists were inspired by Enlightenment20 and progress that; they tried to implement Neo-gothic revival style at urban level in late nineteenth century.21 Colonial government with local elites shaped cities with new urban infrastructure. European and Indian engineers, architects and artists made designs, whereas Indian laborers, craftsmen and artisans worked on actual execution. In the process, the local teams left their mark on the vocabulary at different levels right from selection of materials, construction techniques, features, and ornamentation. Examples such as Governors bungalow, Deccan College (Fig 3), College of Engineering, Reay Market (Fig 4) and number of churches erected in Poona are very evocative. These monumental scale buildings are still reminiscent of the colonial presence in Poona. Third, fourth and fifth part of research is an original contribution to the state of art, focusing on Contribution of Colonel Walter Marden Ducat R.E.22 and native engineer Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuji Kanitkar23 in the development of architectural vocabulary of Poona and Deccan region in late nineteenth century. Walter Ducat had carried out several projects in important towns like Bombay, Gujarat in India simultaneously 17 Jaymala Deddee and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit., 175. 18 Sir Bartle Frere was Governor of Bombay presidency from 1862-67 initiated public building activities in neo-Gothic style 19 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered.cit. 20 Enlightenment is used for awareness of science, western technologies and art getting widespread in elites from India in nineteenth century architecture context. They tried to imitate to some extent for their construction activities. 21 Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay, (University of Minnesota Press, April 2011), 90. Muncherji Cowasji Murzban as assistant engineer worked on several projects in Mumbai in association with royal engineers and local philanthropists. 22 Colonel Walter Mardon Ducat R.E. hence used as 'Walter Ducat' 23 Local engineer from Poona, Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuj Kanitkar hence used as 'Vasudev Kanitkar' 11 Kolhapur, Ahmedabad24, Poona, Dhuley25 and Sholapur. He worked as executive engineer, urban designer and simultaneously was mastermind behind projects like Gokak water mill, Poona drainage layout and so on. He started his career as Second Lieutenant then became Lieutenant colonel then executive engineer and ended his official career as Superintending engineer in Deccan.26 His collaborative works with local engineers and his contemporaries like Charles Mant27 are important to note. His experience of work in Indian conditions led him to develop his skills as technical expert and designer, which later exemplified in the cases of two covered markets in Poona. In this chapter his technical and practical solutions for various proposals, executed projects are highlighted with various instances. Whereas Vasudev Kanitkar worked with Charles Mant, Chishom28, Trubshaw29 and Walter Ducat in towns like Baroda, Bombay, and Poona as Indian contractor. He was nominated as Rao Bahadur by British government for his important role in construction activity in Deccan.30 Laxmi vilas Palace in Baroda, Secretariat Building, High court in Bombay and Reay/ Phule market Poona are some of his major contribution in the architectural development under Bombay Presidency as an Indian local contractor. His self executed projects in Poona left his mark as significant designer and engineer in late nineteenth century. Educational, official, Public, and domestic buildings show his advancement from local contractor to designer with his intricacy of work. His influences originated from the earlier work experiences of varied projects amalgamated with local traditional workmanship lead into development of style could be named as local Indo-Saracenic architecture. This could be perceived in his own designs executed in Poona such as Fergusson College, Anandashram31, 24 Dhuley is a historic town located at north part of Maharashtra state 25 Ahmdabad is the largest city of Gujrat a states of India, known for its great tradition of local and modern architecture. 26 Second Lieutenant and Lieutenant colonel are ranks in British Army, but Walter Ducat appointed under PWD for infrastructural development. As per Medley's book he mentions Executive engineer had to work under Superintending Engineer. He is responsible person for executing various projects right from Barracks, Road developments, Railway to layout and construct. Designs, estimations and workings drawings are made under guidance of superintendent and execution is done under his supervision. 27 Charles Mant important from Indo-Saracenic designers series in India. He joined as Royal Engineer in Indian PWD, he designed Laxmi Vilas Palace (1878) for ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Gaekwad , New Palace Kolhapur (1878), Mayo School Ajmer and Palace at Darbhanga. 28 Architect Robert Fellowes Chisholm famous for Indo-Saracenic works in India. To mentions few of his important works are Bombay Yatch Club, execution of Laxmi Vilas Palace after Mant, University of Madras(1874-79), Lawrence Asylum building(1865) 29 Lieutenant colonel Trubshaw appointed on Bombay Rampart removal committee and worked on several remarkable projects in Bombay such as General Post Office, Elphinston College(1975), High court (1878), Plan for Bombay. 30 Lethbridge Roper, The Golden Book of India, (London, Macmillan and Co., 1893), 566. This is Genealogical and Biographical dictionary of the ruling princes, chiefs, nobles and other personages, titles or decorated of the Indian Empire. 31 Anandashram (1888) trust located in Poona, founded by Mahadev Chimnaji Apte for providing residential facility for middle and economically weaker class students. It also publishes books for Sanskrit and has collection of manuscripts. 12 Sangamashram32 and Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir (Poona Native Library)33 and so on. His contribution as a local contractor and designer working in collaboration with Royal Engineers and local social reformists like Bhandarkar34 and Apate35 is underlined in the further discussions. Main focus is on his role in the development of architectural vocabulary in late nineteenth century Poona. In the fifth part analysis of covered markets developed in Poona with the support of primary and secondary sources is done. Nine covered markets Lambert Market Karachi, Tollington Market Lahore, Crawford Market Bombay, Bolten Market Karachi, Hogg Stuart Market Calcutta, Empress market Karachi, Reay/ Phule Market, Shivaji / Connaught market, Moore Market and were built in India during eclectic movement of late nineteenth century. All endured and still in use, out of which Reay and Shivaji market exists in Poona. These are instances of 'Public landscapes' as idiom used by Preeti Chopra in case of Bombay, which is pertinent in case of Poona too. Two markets in Poona are unique examples of covered markets in India during this phase. In both the projects Walter Ducat was involved as a designer and exponent. Different contractors built these two markets in the year 1886 which in turn reflect the choices of architectural vocabulary used. Both have followed entirely distinctive models. Two uniquely designed covered markets are benchmarks in the context of old core and cantonment area of Poona. There are very few references and primary sources available on these markets. Original drawings are not available to refer and designer Walter Ducat is not very well acknowledged for these markets in historic documents. Perhaps his references in some local articles are mentioned wrongly. Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar's contribution in architectural development of Poona need more research to understand their collaborative landmark project of Reay market/ Phule Mandai located at the heart of the city. Two covered markets emerged in Poona during 19th century were resultant of eclectic movement followed to a larger scale in India by royal engineers and local contractors. Thought the models adopted from western roots they mark their difference as a language self developed and experimented by local contractors in terms of ornamentation, decoration, use of material and construction techniques. This research will contribute in deriving the method of architectural research that is helpful in understanding architectural history of a particular case in its socioeconomic and political context. This study will try to analyze European models with various influences, inspirations from varied styles and sources how implemented with modifications in local conditions. In extension this will support in understanding history of Public Architecture typology of covered market as an emerging typology in India during late nineteenth century. Along with this it can be probably a tool to understand different aspects and layers of study related to architectural vocabulary developed in late 19th century designed and executed by Royal engineers in association with Indian local contractors. ; Colonial rule had influenced 19th century monumental Architecture as a form of imperial expression in India. European concepts of architecture reached the Asian subcontinent through visuals, literature, paintings and pattern books. Various examples from this neoclassical and neo gothic phase, also referred to as Anglo-Indian1, Indo-Sarasanic2, Indo Gothic3, Mughal Gothic4, Neogothic, Hindoo or Hindu5 Gothic architectural style that could be experiential at various levels and scales. This new vocabulary tried to reach not only the major cities under colonial rule but it reached the smaller towns and countryside instantaneously.6 7 Calcutta, Madras, Bombay procured their identity during the late eighteenth and nineteenth century beginning with neoclassical era. These three presidency towns developed with sculptural indications of the colonial rule. This was an effort of collaborative works between locals and British officials. Comparatively smaller towns like Poona8 tried to nurture its space as a part of this wave in their own way. Notably these emerging urban patterns gave rise to new public realm and social spaces. This research is divided into five parts commencing with literature review. Review of books, annals, travelogues, helps understand the context of research that is covered in detail in the further discussions. Diverse aspects of the colonial, with elements of local architecture developed in late 19th century India, are covered by various travellers, artists, historians and architects. This helps in developing frame of research and knowing what could be our contribution to the state of art. The first chapter analyses 19th century architecture developed in India and especially the Deccan9 as a result 1 Word Anglo-Indian architecture is used for style with English and Indian elements. Anglo-Indian is used by various British officers referring to person relating to England and India or a person of mixed English and Indian descent or an English person who lives or has lived for a long time in India. 2 Indo-Saracenic style mainly demonstrated by British architects and engineers to mention few Stevens, Chisholm, Beg, Charles Mant worked with local Indian contractors used Indo-Islamic and Indian architectural elements with Gothic revival style for various public buildings in India during late nineteenth century. Word Saracenic is used for people lived in desert areas nearby Roman province of Arabia. Meyer Schapiro defines style as "the constant form –and sometimes the constant elements, qualities and expression- in the art of an individual or group." Gothic revival styles defined empire style after great rebel of 1857. East India Company dissolved its powers and concentrated Queen Victoria's control on India lead in the development of architectural style using Gothic forms in Public buildings. 3 Indo Gothic phrase mainly indicates mix of Indian and Indo-Islamic forms with European Gothic style. 4 Mughal Gothic denotes elements from Mughal and Gothic architecture flourished in India in late nineteenth century. Mughal ruler was Muslim dynasty of Turkish Mongol called as Mughal rulers, ruled from 16th to mid 18th century in northern part of India. 5 Hindu or Hindoo word is generally referred to people from India. It's a pronunciation derived from Sindhu/ Indus River largest in India. 6 Jan Morris, Simon Winchester, Introduction to Stones of Empire: The buildings of the Raj, (Oxford University Press, 1983) 7 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered, (Partridge Publishing, 2014),5. 8 Poona is pronounced as 'Pune' in colloquial language. For research writing purpose it is used as Poona as the name used earlier in 19th century. 9 Deccan is a peninsular plateau located in central India comprised states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In this research western Deccan is mainly referred to western part of Maharashtra state developed under 8 of British initiative of infrastructure development following European models in Indian settings mainly for their own determination. With the examples of individual pattern of architectural expression it is significant to note how western models adapted in local climatic and geographical context. Some call this as magnificent pieces of architecture to some extent while in opinion of few these Indo Saracenic structures were unacquainted and had obsessive ornamentation too.10 Emergence of Public architecture in urban context focusing on essentials of European and local migrations were erected with western concepts. Collaborative works of European notions with Indian features lead to eclecticism in the manifestation of architectural style developed.11 Bombay presidency. 10 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered .cit., 6. 11 Christopher W., Bombay Gothic, (Mumbai, India Book House Pvt. Ltd., 2002), 131. Eclecticism he explains as "the 'discovery of a repository of styles established a great range of decorative options for architects of the period. In India, this led to the absorption of Hindu (Indo) and Mughal (Saracenic) architectural elements into neo-Gothic and Fig 1 St Paul Cathedral Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Fig 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 3 Deccan College Poona designed by St Clair Wilkins 1868. Designed in Venetian Gothic Style one of the landmark structure in Poona. Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 1 St Paul Cathedral Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863) Figure 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864) 9 Royal engineers were the key persons worked in collaboration with local engineers and masons at grass root level in the process of establishing British rule in India. Many of them came from middle and lower class families but reached greater heights by their performance. Diverse projects from basic architectural interventions, railway, bridges, basic infrastructure, and services were coordinated in India. They worked on European models in local context with successful and unsuccessful efforts.12 To explain this further, till early nineteenth century simple and function based structures built for residential and religious purposes. Engineers were experimenting and modifying European models considering local climatic conditions. From mid nineteenth century building construction activity received more attention as vocabulary of Raj13. Which kept on changing adapting local climate, material and incorporation of local traditional art forms in architecture. This argument extends with the cases of medieval town planning, comprising meandering roads for warfare strategies with fortress at a central location of main axis of town, those were extended with grid Iron pattern. This could be grasped prominently in case of towns where cantonments were developed under colonial rule like Ahmadnagar, Sholapur (Solapur), Kolhapur,14 and Poona in Deccan context under Bombay presidency. Multiethnic, cosmopolitan settlements took place in these newly developed areas.15 Cantonments flourished with residential units for British Officers and market space known as Sadar Bazar mainly comprising migrating communities like Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati16 to serve neo-classical compositions. Sometimes the buildings were pure enough in their use of indigenous stylistic sources to be called 'Indo-Saracenic' in other instances they were not, merely certain elements or certain areas of the building exhibited these unusually mixed stylistic character." 12 Sandes E. W. C. Lieut. Colonel, Preface The Military Engineer in India, Vol II, (Chatham: Institution of Royal Engineers, 1933), 35. 13 Word Raj indicates British hegemony in India. 14 Ahmadnagar, Sholapur, Kolhapur are few of important historic towns of western Maharashtra developed under Bombay presidency in 19th century 15 Deddee Jaymala and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit Introduction. 16 Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati are different trading communities settled in parts of India. Parsi belongs to Iran, Boharas are Muslims from parts of Pakistan and Gujarat, Tamils and Gujarati are from state of Tamilnadu and Figure 4 Reay Market Designed by Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar Photo by Lavand Vaidehi 10 British residential colonies. This mix culture of Anglo-Indian society reflected in the development of architectural language emerged in the vicinity in several typologies. Then cases of late 19th century Poona developed with its preexisting native town with two cantonments and Sadarbazzar (Market adjacent to cantonment) with evolving typologies of buildings are examined with the support of varied sources. The reasons behind selecting Poona as an example of this process of change in architectural style are its geographical location, political and cultural importance in Deccan region. It was the monsoon capital under Bombay presidency. Two major events such as the railway connecting Poona with Bombay and formation of municipality geared physical expansion of the town.17 Sir Bartle Frere's18 (Fig 1 and 2) initiatives of public building activities in Poona lead in developing face of Poona as an Educational hub, which is well known even today. Building activity at an early stage of colonial expanse was mainly utility based. But later officers in East India Company implemented policy of getting connected with local rulers so they beheld for architectural style that will impress locals and reflect power of colonial rulers. European surveyors and engineers procured and adapted various elements, details and layouts from pattern books for particular site requirements.19 Native philanthropists were inspired by Enlightenment20 and progress that; they tried to implement Neo-gothic revival style at urban level in late nineteenth century.21 Colonial government with local elites shaped cities with new urban infrastructure. European and Indian engineers, architects and artists made designs, whereas Indian laborers, craftsmen and artisans worked on actual execution. In the process, the local teams left their mark on the vocabulary at different levels right from selection of materials, construction techniques, features, and ornamentation. Examples such as Governors bungalow, Deccan College (Fig 3), College of Engineering, Reay Market (Fig 4) and number of churches erected in Poona are very evocative. These monumental scale buildings are still reminiscent of the colonial presence in Poona. Third, fourth and fifth part of research is an original contribution to the state of art, focusing on Contribution of Colonel Walter Marden Ducat R.E.22 and native engineer Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuji Kanitkar23 in the development of architectural vocabulary of Poona and Deccan region in late nineteenth century. Walter Ducat had carried out several projects in important towns like Bombay, Gujarat in India simultaneously 17 Jaymala Deddee and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit., 175. 18 Sir Bartle Frere was Governor of Bombay presidency from 1862-67 initiated public building activities in neo-Gothic style 19 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered.cit. 20 Enlightenment is used for awareness of science, western technologies and art getting widespread in elites from India in nineteenth century architecture context. They tried to imitate to some extent for their construction activities. 21 Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay, (University of Minnesota Press, April 2011), 90. Muncherji Cowasji Murzban as assistant engineer worked on several projects in Mumbai in association with royal engineers and local philanthropists. 22 Colonel Walter Mardon Ducat R.E. hence used as 'Walter Ducat' 23 Local engineer from Poona, Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuj Kanitkar hence used as 'Vasudev Kanitkar' 11 Kolhapur, Ahmedabad24, Poona, Dhuley25 and Sholapur. He worked as executive engineer, urban designer and simultaneously was mastermind behind projects like Gokak water mill, Poona drainage layout and so on. He started his career as Second Lieutenant then became Lieutenant colonel then executive engineer and ended his official career as Superintending engineer in Deccan.26 His collaborative works with local engineers and his contemporaries like Charles Mant27 are important to note. His experience of work in Indian conditions led him to develop his skills as technical expert and designer, which later exemplified in the cases of two covered markets in Poona. In this chapter his technical and practical solutions for various proposals, executed projects are highlighted with various instances. Whereas Vasudev Kanitkar worked with Charles Mant, Chishom28, Trubshaw29 and Walter Ducat in towns like Baroda, Bombay, and Poona as Indian contractor. He was nominated as Rao Bahadur by British government for his important role in construction activity in Deccan.30 Laxmi vilas Palace in Baroda, Secretariat Building, High court in Bombay and Reay/ Phule market Poona are some of his major contribution in the architectural development under Bombay Presidency as an Indian local contractor. His self executed projects in Poona left his mark as significant designer and engineer in late nineteenth century. Educational, official, Public, and domestic buildings show his advancement from local contractor to designer with his intricacy of work. His influences originated from the earlier work experiences of varied projects amalgamated with local traditional workmanship lead into development of style could be named as local Indo-Saracenic architecture. This could be perceived in his own designs executed in Poona such as Fergusson College, Anandashram31, 24 Dhuley is a historic town located at north part of Maharashtra state 25 Ahmdabad is the largest city of Gujrat a states of India, known for its great tradition of local and modern architecture. 26 Second Lieutenant and Lieutenant colonel are ranks in British Army, but Walter Ducat appointed under PWD for infrastructural development. As per Medley's book he mentions Executive engineer had to work under Superintending Engineer. He is responsible person for executing various projects right from Barracks, Road developments, Railway to layout and construct. Designs, estimations and workings drawings are made under guidance of superintendent and execution is done under his supervision. 27 Charles Mant important from Indo-Saracenic designers series in India. He joined as Royal Engineer in Indian PWD, he designed Laxmi Vilas Palace (1878) for ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Gaekwad , New Palace Kolhapur (1878), Mayo School Ajmer and Palace at Darbhanga. 28 Architect Robert Fellowes Chisholm famous for Indo-Saracenic works in India. To mentions few of his important works are Bombay Yatch Club, execution of Laxmi Vilas Palace after Mant, University of Madras(1874-79), Lawrence Asylum building(1865) 29 Lieutenant colonel Trubshaw appointed on Bombay Rampart removal committee and worked on several remarkable projects in Bombay such as General Post Office, Elphinston College(1975), High court (1878), Plan for Bombay. 30 Lethbridge Roper, The Golden Book of India, (London, Macmillan and Co., 1893), 566. This is Genealogical and Biographical dictionary of the ruling princes, chiefs, nobles and other personages, titles or decorated of the Indian Empire. 31 Anandashram (1888) trust located in Poona, founded by Mahadev Chimnaji Apte for providing residential facility for middle and economically weaker class students. It also publishes books for Sanskrit and has collection of manuscripts. 12 Sangamashram32 and Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir (Poona Native Library)33 and so on. His contribution as a local contractor and designer working in collaboration with Royal Engineers and local social reformists like Bhandarkar34 and Apate35 is underlined in the further discussions. Main focus is on his role in the development of architectural vocabulary in late nineteenth century Poona. In the fifth part analysis of covered markets developed in Poona with the support of primary and secondary sources is done. Nine covered markets Lambert Market Karachi, Tollington Market Lahore, Crawford Market Bombay, Bolten Market Karachi, Hogg Stuart Market Calcutta, Empress market Karachi, Reay/ Phule Market, Shivaji / Connaught market, Moore Market and were built in India during eclectic movement of late nineteenth century. All endured and still in use, out of which Reay and Shivaji market exists in Poona. These are instances of 'Public landscapes' as idiom used by Preeti Chopra in case of Bombay, which is pertinent in case of Poona too. Two markets in Poona are unique examples of covered markets in India during this phase. In both the projects Walter Ducat was involved as a designer and exponent. Different contractors built these two markets in the year 1886 which in turn reflect the choices of architectural vocabulary used. Both have followed entirely distinctive models. Two uniquely designed covered markets are benchmarks in the context of old core and cantonment area of Poona. There are very few references and primary sources available on these markets. Original drawings are not available to refer and designer Walter Ducat is not very well acknowledged for these markets in historic documents. Perhaps his references in some local articles are mentioned wrongly. Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar's contribution in architectural development of Poona need more research to understand their collaborative landmark project of Reay market/ Phule Mandai located at the heart of the city. Two covered markets emerged in Poona during 19th century were resultant of eclectic movement followed to a larger scale in India by royal engineers and local contractors. Thought the models adopted from western roots they mark their difference as a language self developed and experimented by local contractors in terms of ornamentation, decoration, use of material and construction techniques. This research will contribute in deriving the method of architectural research that is helpful in understanding architectural history of a particular case in its socioeconomic and political context. This study will try to analyze European models with various influences, inspirations from varied styles and sources how implemented with modifications in local conditions. In extension this will support in understanding history of Public Architecture typology of covered market as an emerging typology in India during late nineteenth century. Along with this it can be probably a tool to understand different aspects and layers of study related to architectural vocabulary developed in late 19th century designed and executed by Royal engineers in association with Indian local contractors.

IEn vísperas de cumplirse una década de los atentados del 11 de Septiembre de 2001 (11-S), los tiempos agitados no se detienen. Por simplemente señalar un corte, en el último lustro la atención mundial ha discurrido desde los fracasos militares de Estados Unidos en Iraq y Afganistán, pasando por una enorme crisis económica originada en los países más desarrollados, el recambio político en Washington con la llegada del primer presidente afroamericano de la historia de este país, un nuevo y cruento bloqueo a Gaza por parte de Israel, una brevísima guerra en el Cáucaso con Rusia como protagonista, los gestos cada vez más manifiestos del ascenso de China a la condición de super-potencia, el estallido del carrusel de rebeliones en el Mundo Islámico a comienzos de este año, la actual y ambigua intervención militar bajo rótulo humanitario en Libia, hasta llegar recientemente a la muerte de Osama Bin Laden días atrás, siendo éstos sólo algunos de los sucesos más importantes a señalar. Si algo queda claro es que hay demasiado para analizar.En tal sentido, artículos como Imperial by design de John J. Mearsheimer (2011), dondees abordado el rumbo estratégico reciente, actual y futuro de la primera potencia mundial, constituyen una interesante oportunidad para alentar y actualizar el debate sobre las características emergentes en el sistema internacional y sobre el status de sus principales actores. En él, Mearsheimer monta una crítica abierta a la grand strategy que a su criterio ha imperado en la conducción de los asuntos externos de Estados Unidos desde la finalización de la Guerra Fría y cuyoleit motif ha consistido en garantizar por distintos medios —más multilaterales en ciertos momentos, más unilaterales en otros— la dominación global del país, su primacía absoluta. El artículo de alguna manera viene a cristalizar el disgusto de los más renombrados académicos realistas respecto al desempeño en política exterior de la administración Obama, con un llamamiento para una reorientación del timón en la línea del off-shore balance,que aleje al país del espiral de problemas que lo acechan.En el número 117 de Letras Internacionales, el Profesor Nicolás Terradas efectuó lo que a nuestro criterio es una afortunada reseña de Imperial by design donde identifica con lucidez una contradicción central en la lógica del académico de la Universidad de Chicago: su propuesta "alternativa" a la postre peca del mismo ambicioso objetivo que ha perseguido Washington desde 1989, esto es, "permanecer en la cumbre". Desde una más pertinente perspectiva realista, lo atinado sería administrar su declive y no negarlo, siguiendo el ejemplo histórico de Gran Bretaña a fines del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX. La presente contribución tiene como objeto retomar estos aspectos y complementar estas visiones en juego a partir de la consideración de ciertos elementos que entendemos necesarios. Retomaremos de manera puntual dos líneas interpretativas provenientes de la Economía Política Internacional (EPI) y necesarias para re-enmarcar la dinámica política actual, así como la prospectiva que enfrenta Estados Unidos. La primera es la lógica del mecanismo de cambio y redistribución de poder a nivel mundial identificado en su momento por Robert Gilpin y la segunda es la propuesta interpretativa de Immanuel Wallerstein sobre la relocalización de la estructura productiva global.IIPreocupado precisamente por el estudio del cambio a nivel internacional, Gilpin escribe a comienzos de los '80 su célebre War and Change in World Politics(1981). Allí explica que la principal constante histórica en la política mundial es su dinámica de cambio, la cual se haya determinada por la generación de incongruencias o disyunciones entre la distribución de poder político, militar, económico y tecnológico y la estructura del sistema internacional (hegemónica, bipolar o multipolar). Las incongruencias son inevitables a causa del constante crecimiento desigual de poder entre las potencias en ascenso y las potencias en declive. Esto conduce a un desequilibrio sistémico que, si se conjuga con ciertas percepciones y un cálculo costo-beneficio que empuje a una o varias potencias desafiantes hacia la opción del cambio, tarde o temprano dará paso a una fase de resolución crítica de la incongruencia. Allí, ya sea de manera pacífica —como en el ejemplo transitorio del Pacto de Münich— o bien a través de la guerra hegemónica, se alumbrará una nueva distribución de poder que por un tiempo reflejará un incipiente equilibrio en relación a una nueva estructura de Estados dominantes.La inclusión de una aproximación histórica a esta lógica lleva a Gilpin a reconocer una fase contemporánea en la política internacional signada por a) el triunfo del Estado-Nación como la principal unidad, b) el advenimiento de un crecimiento económico relativamente continuo basado en la ciencia moderna y la tecnología, y c) la emergencia de una economía mundial de mercado (1981: 116). Tales factores explican que "the champions of an interdependent world market economy have been politically the most powerful and economically the most efficient nations. Both elements, hegemony and efficiency, are necessary preconditions for a society to champion the creation of an interdependent market economy. Hegemony without efficiency tends to move toward imperial-type economies, as is the case in the Soviet bloc. National economic efficiency without a corresponding political-military strength may not be able to induce other powerful societies to assume the costs of a market system" (129). Por tanto, en el marco de la dinámica de cambio descrita y de las particularidades de la época, poderío militar y eficiencia económica son las claves que una potencia debe asegurar ya sea para aspirar con éxito a mantener el status quo o bien buscar su revisión. A ello debe sumarse la voluntad política de la acción y el liderazgo. Ahora bien, en un trabajo más reciente este mismo académico llama sin embargo la atención que el liderazgo estadounidense en la economía mundial se ha debilitado notoriamente en el nuevo siglo. Identifica las causas de ello en el flaqueante consenso doméstico sobre el rumbo de los asuntos económicos y en la erosión de los lazos de cooperación con los principales aliados que condujeron a que la política exterior y la política económica sea más unilateral y autocentrada (Gilpin, 2000: 10-11). Pero en breve retomaremos el status actual de la gran potencia, volvamos antes al otro complemento de análisis que estimamos necesario también traer a colación. Se trata como anticipáramos de la interpretación clásica de Wallerstein sobre elsistema-mundo. Partiendo tanto de la tradición marxista como de la Escuela de los Annales, este sociólogo estadounidense entiende que en la historia de la Humanidad se han manifestado tres grandes clases de sistemas sociales: a) los mini-sistemas, pequeñas sociedades homogéneas y relativamente autónomas, como por ejemplo las organizaciones tribales; b) los imperios-mundo, basados en una economía de extracción de recursos y beneficios desde las periferias y semiperiferias hacia el centro político, extracción garantizada por un dominio político directo y con una autoridad político-administrativa única; y c) las economías-mundo, donde la economía extractiva persiste pero sin un sistema político unificado y sin la necesidad de una dominación directa. Ahora bien, para Wallerstein los últimos cinco siglos se han caracterizado por la expansión global de la economía-mundo capitalista europea, proceso en el que fue desarrollando sus propias reglas, estructuras, normas y funcionamiento en virtud de su lógica interna. Dentro de ella, el vínculo básico entre las partes del sistema es económico, aunque reforzado en cierta medida por vínculos culturales y eventualmente por arreglos políticos e incluso estructuras confederales. Las realidades geopolíticas de su sistema interestatal no se basan exclusivamente en larapport de forces militares entre las grandes potencias sino también y fundamentalmente en la división axial internacional del trabajo. En efecto,"[l]a economía-mundo capitalista es un sistema que incluye un desigualdad jerárquica de distribución basada en la concentración de ciertos tipos de producción (producción relativamente monopolizada, y por lo tanto de alta rentabilidad) en ciertas zonas limitadas, que por eso mismo pasan inmediatamente a ser sedes de la mayor acumulación de capital. Esa concentración permite el reforzamiento de las estructuras estatales, que a su vez buscan garantizar la supervivencia de los monopolios correspondientes. Pero como los monopolios son intrínsecamente frágiles, a lo largo de toda la historia del sistema mundial moderno esos centros de concentración han ido reubicándose en forma constante, discontinua y limitada, pero significativa" (Wallerstein, 1998: 29).Por tanto, lo que Wallerstein observa es que la concentración y relocalización de las industrias o actividades económicas más dinámicas a nivel mundial, proceso intrínseco al capitalismo y particularmente visible a través de las fases cíclicas de éste último, es la variable fundamental a observar en cuanto a la redistribución internacional de poder. Ciertamente este fenómeno no es caótico pues puede presentarse el caso de una potencia que sea hegemónica, es decir, con capacidad de imponer por cierto tiempo de un orden estable de poder y que será reconocido como "legítimo" por los principales actores políticos. En tal caso, señala, estaremos en una etapa de relativa "paz" interestatal. De esta forma, tenemos aquí dos importantes aspectos tomados de la EPI para terminar de evaluar la propuesta del off-shore balance de Mearsheimer en particular, y los rumbos actuales y futuros de Estados Unidos en general: por parte de Gilpin, el reconocimiento de la inevitabilidad del cambio internacional en virtud del desigual crecimiento en atributos de poder entre las potencias, y por parte de Wallerstein, la atención sobre el fenómeno de la relocalización mundial de las fuerzas productivas.IIICon estos insumos, obtenemos una imagen más dinámica en la que Estados Unidos se inserta como actual hegemón, condición heredada de la finalización de la Guerra Fría, pero respecto del cual se vienen ya advirtiendo claras señales de declive, en conjunción con fuertes síntomas de ascenso de nuevas potencias, muy en especial China. En otro reciente artículo, Paul Kennedy (2010) una vez más ha vuelto a insistir con su tesis sobre la declinación de la gran potencia, identificando debilidades tanto en la capacidad de proyección de su soft power como en el desempeño económico, fuertemente golpeado por la última crisis económica. En su conclusión señala con inevitabilidad que:"the ebb and tides of history will take away [the american] hegemony, as surely as autumn replaces the high summer months with fruit rather than flower. America's global position is at present strong, serious, and very large. But it is still, frankly, abnormal. It will come down a ratchet or two more. It will return from being an oversized world power to being a big nation, but one which needs to be listened to, and one which, for the next stretch, is the only country that can supply powerful heft to places in trouble. It will still be really important, but less so than it was".Un proceso central en esta tendencia, siguiendo a Wallerstein, es la transferencia de capacidad productiva desde Norteamérica (y Europa) hacia China y el sudeste asiático. Grandes corporaciones como General Electrics, Emerson, Honeywell y Rockwell han movido buena parte de sus plantas fabriles hacia allí. Incluso, parte de la base industrial de defensa ha sido relocalizada en el extranjero o depende de insumos provenientes de aquel país y aquella región, lo que para un informe reciente de AFL-CIO constituye una seria amenaza para la seguridad nacional. Asimismo, el rezago productivo de Norteamérica también se observa al revisar por ejemplo el último ranking Fortune 500 donde se encuentran sólo dos compañías estadounidenses entre las 10 principales a nivel mundial, WalMart (1°) y Exxon Mobile (3°), mientras que ya hay tres chinas en el top ten, Sinopec (7°), State Grid (8°) y China National Petroleum (10°). De continuar estas tendencias,estimaciones recientes indican que alrededor del año 2019 —o bien en el primer lustro de la década siguiente— el Producto Bruto Interno chino superará por primera vez en la historia al estadounidense. A estas consideraciones debe sumarse que Estados Unidos está financiando su supremacía militar y la onerosa guerra en Afganistán mediante su déficit fiscal y gracias en especial a la chequera china. Beijing es hoy el principal acreedor en el mundo y el primer acreedor de Estados Unidos con 800 mil millones de dólares en bonos del Tesoro, mientras que Washington ostenta la seria condición de primer deudor mundial con 14 billones de deuda pública. La relación se complejiza además por el sostenido desbalance en cuenta corriente entre ambos países y en particular en la balanza comercial (273 mil millones de dólares en 2010 a favor del país asiático). Si bien en contrapartida China todavía queda por detrás de Estados Unidos en diversos indicadores de poder, razón que vuelve arriesgado dar por segura una transferencia fundamental de poder entre ambas naciones (Walt, 2011), no debe perderse tampoco de vista que, como indica Gideon Rachman: "China's spending on its military continues to grow rapidly. The country will soon announce the construction of its first aircraft carrier and is aiming to build five or six in total. Perhaps more seriously, China's development of new missile and anti-satellite technology threatens the command of the sea and skies on which the United States bases its Pacific supremacy. In a nuclear age, the U.S. and Chinese militaries are unlikely to clash. A common Chinese view is that the United States will instead eventually find it can no longer afford its military position in the Pacific. U.S. allies in the region —Japan, South Korea, and increasingly India— may partner more with Washington to try to counter rising Chinese power. But if the United States has to scale back its presence in the Pacific for budgetary reasons, its allies will start to accommodate themselves to a rising China. Beijing's influence will expand, and the Asia-Pacific region —the emerging center of the global economy— will become China's backyard".Esto es parte de lo que el ascenso chino puede generar en términos geopolíticos en relación a Estados Unidos. Y es en este escenario, es en esta dirección del análisis que piensa Mearsheimer (2011) cuando propone que "the United States should concentrate on making sure that no state dominates Northeast Asia, Europe or the Persian Gulf, and that it remains the world's only regional hegemon. […] We should build a robust military to intervene in those areas, but it should be stationed offshore or back in the United States". Sin embargo, tal lógica parece no abarcar la complejidad mayor del desafío que enfrenta la gran potencia. Por caso, los aspectos anteriormente señalados, tomados de la EPI, resultan materia que la estrategia del off-shore balance no resuelve. ¿Qué hacer frente a la aparentemente irrefrenable transferencia de capacidad productiva hacia el Sudeste Asiático? ¿Cómo acomodar el rumbo estratégico de un país que pretende conservar su supremacía frente a la ley de crecimiento diferencial de poder, frente al inevitable proceso histórico de ascenso y descenso de potencias? Ahora bien, estos dilemas tampoco están pasando desatendidos —sería iluso creerlo—, a tal punto que en abril pasado el Pentágono autorizó la publicación de un ensayo elaborado por dos oficiales del Estado Mayor Conjunto, bajo el pseudónimo "Mr. Y", en el que articulan una narrativa sobre el rumbo actual y futuro del país. Se trata de A National Strategic Narrative, donde buscan corregir un cúmulo de políticas públicas relativas a inversiones, seguridad, desarrollo económico, ambiente e inserción internacional en el siglo XXI, dejando atrás el obsoleto interés nacional de la contención en pos de la sustentabilidad en materia de prosperidad y seguridad, y respondiendo a un cambiante mundo signado por la complejidad, la multimodalidad e interconexión de los desafíos. Intentando emular el impacto político de George Kennan y su The Sources of Soviet Conduct(1947), los autores sintetizan una visión guía en la que Estados Unidos debe convertirse en "the strongest competitor and most influential player in a deeply inter-connected global system, which requires that we invest less in defense and more in sustainable prosperity and the tools of effective global engagement". Para ello, es necesario el equivalente moderno del NSC 68, unaNational Prosperity and Security Act cuyo fin sea apuntalar la capacidad innovadora y emprendedora del país, verdaderas fuentes —a su entender— del crecimiento cualitativo y del poder con que cuenta Estados Unidos.En tal sentido, nos parece aquí que este tipo de propuesta, más allá de las valoraciones subjetivas a favor o en contra que despierten sobre la gran potencia, más allá de los disensos u errores que puedan señalarse sobre sus postulados o afirmaciones, es la clase de análisis y pensamiento estratégico-prescriptivo que más atinadamente da cuenta de las nuevas realidades internacionales. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional de General San Martín (UNSAM, Argentina). Investigador del Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Problemáticas Internacionales y Locales (CEIPIL-UNCPBA).Referencias bibliográficasGilpin, Robert: War and Change in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981). Gilpin, Robert: The Challenge of Global Capitalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).Kennedy, Paul: "Back to Normalcy. Is America really in decline?", The New Republic(December 30, 2010), pp. 10-11.Mearsheimer, John J.: "Imperial by Design", The National Interest, No. 111 (Jan/Feb 2011), pp. 16-34.Rachman, Gideon: "Think Again: American Decline", Foreign Policy (Jan/Feb 2011). Disponible enhttp://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/02/think_again_american_decline

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Teoria i praktyka, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 1998. ; Kreps D., Game Theory and Economic Modelling, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1990. ; Kreps D., A Course in Microeconomics Theory, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1990. ; Kreps D. M., Wilson R., Sequential equilibria, "Econometrica", No. 50, 1982. ; Kruś L., Bronisz P., Łopuch B., MCBARG System Supporting Multicriteria Bargaining, "Control and Cybernetics", Vol. 22, No. 4, 1993. ; Krzymieniewska G., Od walki do współpracy. Negocjacyjna sztuka zawierania porozumień, TNOIK, Bydgoszcz 1998. ; Kuc B. R., Moczydłowska J. M., Zachowania organizacyjne, Difin, Warszawa 2009.

OBJECTIVES: To describe and explore differences in formal regulations around sick leave and work disability (WD) for patients with rheumatoid arthritis (RA), as well as perceptions by rheumatologists and patients on the system's performance, across European countries. METHODS: We conducted three cross-sectional surveys in 50 European countries: one on work (re-)integration and social security (SS) system arrangements in case of sick leave and long-term WD due to RA (one rheumatologist per country), and two among approximately 15 rheumatologists and 15 patients per country on perceptions regarding SS arrangements on work participation. Differences in regulations and perceptions were compared across categories defined by gross domestic product (GDP), type of social welfare regime, European Union (EU) membership and country RA WD rates. RESULTS: Forty-four (88%) countries provided data on regulations, 33 (75%) on perceptions of rheumatologists (n=539) and 34 (77%) on perceptions of patients (n=719). While large variation was observed across all regulations across countries, no relationship was found between most of regulations or income compensation and GDP, type of SS system or rates of WD. Regarding perceptions, rheumatologists in high GDP and EU-member countries felt less confident in their role in the decision process towards WD (β=-0.5 (95% CI -0.9 to -0.2) and β=-0.5 (95% CI -1.0 to -0.1), respectively). The Scandinavian and Bismarckian system scored best on patients' and rheumatologists' perceptions of regulations and system performance. CONCLUSIONS: There is large heterogeneity in rules and regulations of SS systems across Europe in relation to WD of patients with RA, and it cannot be explained by existing welfare regimes, EU membership or country's wealth.

Eyal
Weizman on the Architectural-Image Complex, Forensic Archeology and Policing
across the Desertification Line







Incidents
in global politics are usually apprehended as the patterned interaction of macro-actors
such as states. Eyal Weizman takes a different tack—an architect by training,
Weizman tackles incidents through detailed readings of heterogeneous materials—digital
images, debris, reforestation, blast patterns in ruins—to piece together concrete
positions of engagement in specific legal, political, or activist controversies
in global politics. In this Talk,
Weizman—among others—elaborates on methods across scales and material
territories, discusses the interactions of environment and politics, and traces
his trajectory in forensic architecture.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What
is—or should be—according to you, the biggest challenge, central focus or
principal debate in critical social sciences?



We
live in an age in which there is both a great storm of information and a
progressive form of activism seeking to generate transparency in relation to government
institutions, corporations or secret services. These forms of exposure
exponentially increase the number of primary sources on corporations and state
and provide also rare media from war zones, but this by itself does not add
more clarity. It could increase confusion and increasingly be used disseminate
false information and propaganda. The challenge is to start another process to
carefully piece together and compose this information.



I'm
concerned with research about armed conflict. Contemporary conflict tends to take
place in urban environments saturated with media of varicose sorts, whenever
violence is brought into a city, it provokes an enormous production of images,
clips, sounds, text, etc.



As
conflict in Iraq, Syria, Missouri and the Ukraine demonstrate, one of the most
important potential sources for conflict investigations is produced by the very
people living in the war zones and made available in social networks almost
instantly. The citizens recording events in conflict zones are conscious of
producing testimonies and evidence, and importantly so, they do so on their own
terms. The emergence of citizen journalists/witness has already restructured
the fields of journalism with most footage composing Al Jazeera broadcasts, for
example, being produced by non-professional media. The addition of a huge
multiplicity of primary sources, live testimonies and filmed records of events,
challenge research methods and evidentiary practices. There is much locational
and spatial information that can be harvested from within these blurry, shaky
and unedited images/clips and architectural methodologies are essential in
reconstructing incidents in space. Architecture is a good framework to
understand the world, alongside others.



Whereas
debates around the 'politics of the image' in the field of photography and
visual cultures tended to concentrate on the decoding of single images and
photojournalistic trophy shots we now need to study the creation of extensive
'image-complexes' and inhabit this field reconstruct events from images taken
at different perspective and at different times. The relation between images is
architectural, best composed and represented within 3D models. Architectural
analysis is useful in locating other bits of evidence—recorded testimonies,
films and photos—from multiple perspectives in relation to one other bits of
evidence and cross referring these in space.



But
'image complexes' are about interrogating the field of visibility it is also
about absence, failures of representation, blockages or destruction of images.





How
did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about global
politics?



I'm
an architect, and my intellectual upbringing is in architectural theory and
spatial theory. I tend to hold on to this particular approach when I'm entering
a geopolitical context or areas that would otherwise be the domain of
journalists and human rights people, traditional jurists, etc. Architecture taught
me to pay attention to details, to materiality, to media, and to make very
close observations about the way built structures might embody political
relations.



When I study political situations, I
study them as an architect: I look at the way politics turns into a material—spatial
practice—the materialization, and at the spatialization, of political forces. Architectural
form—as I explained many times—is slowed-down force. My thinking is structured
around a relation between force and form. And form, for an architect, is an
entry point from which to read politics. So when I look at matter and material
reality—like a building, a destroyed building, a piece of infrastructure, a
road or bridge, a settlement or suburb or city—I look at it as a product of a political
force field. But it is never static. A city always grows, expands or contracts
recording the multiple political relations that shaped it.



Buildings
continuously record their environment. So one can read political force on buildings.
In taking this approach, I am influenced by building surveyors, and insurance
people going into a building to look at a scratch in a wall to piece together
what might have happened, and what might still happen. So I feel like a kind of
property surveyor on the scale of a city at times of war. But in practicing
this forensic architecture
I also work like an archaeologist: archaeology is about looking at material remains
and trying to piece together the cultural, political, military, or social spheres.
But I'm an archaeologist of very recent past or of the present. While
some of my investigations will always retain a haptic dimension based on
material examination, much of it is an analysis of material captured and
registered by various medias. Verify, locate, compose and cross-reference a
spatial reality from images of architecture.





What
would a student need to become a specialist in your field or understand the
world in a global way?



The institutes I run do not recruit
only architects. We need to open up the disciplinary bounds of education. We work
with filmmakers and architects and with artists.



It embodies a desire to understand
architecture as a field of inquiry, with which you can interrogate reality as
it is effectively registering material transformation. I see architecture as a
way of augmenting our way of seeing things in the world, but it's not for me a
kind of sacred field that should not be touched or changed.



But I'm also using architecture
across the entire spectrum of its relation to politics, from the very dystopian—with
forensic architecture, a kind of architectural pathology—to the utopian. I have
a studio in Palestine with Palestinian partners of mine, and internationals.
Alessandro Petty and Sandi Hilal
are in this group, which is called Decolonizing Architure. It's this group that is engaged in
very utopian projects for the West Bank and Palestine and the return of
refugees and so on. So I use architecture across the entire spectrum, from the
very dystopian to the very utopian. Architecture is simply a way of engaging
the world and its politics. Space is the way of establishing relations between
things. And actually space is not static, it is both a means of establishing
relations between people and objects and things. Just as material itself is
always an event, always under transformation. So that is something I have taken
from architecture and try to bring into politics, but not only in analyzing
crimes, but in producing the reality yet to come.



So what we
need from people is the desire to understand aesthetics as a field of inquiry,
not simply as a pleasurable play of beauty and pleasing kind of effect, but as
a kind of very sensorial field, sensorium, in which you can interrogate reality
as it is effectively registering material transformation. So I would look
simply for that kind of sensorial intensity and high critical approach and
understanding and speculating of how it is we know what we think we know. Of
course, you cannot see, or you do not know what you see, you do not have the
language to interpret or question what it is you 'see' without abstract
constructs. This means I don't necessarily look for theoretical capacities in
people: I see theory as a way of augmenting our way of seeing things in the
world, of registering them, of decoding them, but it's not for me a kind of
sacred field to which I submit in any way.







So
what is it you work on now?



I'm mostly trying to establish forensic architecture as a
critical field of practice and as an agency that produce and disseminate
evidence about war crimes in urban context. Recent forensic investigations in Guatemala
and in the Israeli Negev involved
the intersection of violence and environmental transformations, even climate
change. For trials and truth commissions, we analyze the extent to which
environmental transformation intersect with conflict.



The imaging of this
previously invisible types of violence—'environmental violence' such as land degradation, the destruction of fields and forests (in the tropics), pollution
and water diversion, and also long term processes of desertification—we use as new type of evidence of processes dispersed across time
and space. There are other conflicts that unfold in relation to climatic and
environmental transformations and in particular in relation to environmental
scarcity.



Conflict has reciprocal
interaction with environment transformation: environmental change could
aggravate conflict, while conflict tends to generate further environmental
damage. This has been apparent in Darfur, Sudan where the conflict was
aggravated by increased competition over arable due to local land erosion and desertification.
War and insurgency have occurred along Sahel—Arabic for 'shoreline'—on the
southern threshold of the Sahara Desert, which is only ebbing as million of
hectares of former arable land turn to desert. In past decades, conflicts have
broken out in most countries from East to West Africa, along this shoreline:
Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Chad, Niger, Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal.
In 2011 in the city of Daraa, farmers' protests, borne out of an extended cycle
of droughts, marked
the beginning of the Syrian civil war. Similar processes took place in the
eastern outskirts of Damascus, Homs, al-Raqqah and along the threshold of the
great Syrian and Northern Iraqi Deserts. These transformations impact upon
cities, themselves a set of entangled natural/man-made environments. The conflict
and hardships along desertification bands compel dispossessed farmers to embark
upon increasingly perilous paths of migrations, leading to fast urbanization at
the growing outskirts of the cities and slams.



I'm
trying to understand these processes across desert thresholds. There has been a
very long colonial debate about what is the line beyond which the desert begins.
Most commonly it was defined as 200 mm rain per annum. Cartographers were
trying to draw it, as it represented, to a certain extent, the limit of
imperial control. From this line on, most policing was done through bombing of
tribal areas from the air. Since the beginning, the emergence of the use of air
power in policing in the post World War I period—aerial control, aerial
government—took form in places that were perceived, at the time, as lying
beyond the thresholds or edges of the law. The British policing of Iraq, the
French in Syria, and Algeria, the Italians in Libya are examples where control
would hover in air.



Up
to now I was writing about borders that were physical and manmade: walls in the
West Bank or Gaza and the siege around it—most notably in Hollow Land (2007, read the introduction here).
Now I started to write about borders that are made by the interaction of people
and the environment—like the desert line—which is not less violent and brutal. The
colonial history of Palestine has been an attempt to push the line of the
desert south, trying to make it green or bloom—this is in Ben Gurion's terms—but
the origins of this statement are earlier and making the desert green and
pushing the line of the desert was also Mussolini's stated aim. On the other
hand, climate change is now pushing that line north.



Following
not geopolitical but meteorological borders, helps me cut across a big
epistemological problem that confines the writing in international relations or
geopolitics within the borders organize your writing. Braudel is an
inspiration but, for him, the environment of the Mediterranean is basically
cyclically fixed. The problem with geographical determinism is that it takes
nature as a given, cyclical, milieu which then affects politics—but I think we
are now in a period where politics affects nature in the same way in which
nature affects politics. The climate is changing in the same speed as human
history.





What does your background in
architecture add to understanding the global political controversies you engage
in?



We are a forensic agency that
provides services to prosecution teams around the world. With our amazing
members we ran 20-odd cases around the world from the Amazon to Atacama, for
the UN, for Amnesty, for Palestinian NGOs, in Gaza of course, West Bank, issues
of killings, individual killings in the West Bank that we do now, and much more
drastic destructions.



Forensic Architecture is unique in using
architectural research methodologies to analyze violations of human rights and
international humanitarian law as they bear upon the built environment—on
buildings, cities and territories, and this is why we get many commissions. We
produced architectural evidence for numerous investigations and presented them
in a number of cases in national and international courts and tribunals. We
were commissioned by the UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights to study single
destroyed buildings, as well as patterns of destruction, resulting from
drone warfare in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and Gaza. This study was presented at
the UN General Assembly in New York. We developed techniques to locate the
remains of buildings and villages overgrown by thick rain forests and presented
this material as evidence in the genocide trial of former president Efraín Ríos
Montt in the National Court of Guatemala and the Inter-American
Court. We quantified and analyzed levels of architectural destruction in Gaza
after the 2014 conflict for Amnesty International. We provided architectural
models and animations to support a petition against the wall in Battir
submitted to the Israeli High Court, helping to win the case.



Recently, we use and deal with the
reconstruction of human testimony. Witnesses to war give account of the worst
moment of their lives; times when their dear ones have died or hurt. Their
memory is disturbed, and tends to be blurred. We have developed a way of very
carefully interviewing and discussing with witnesses. Together with them, we
build digital models of their own homes. So we can see a very slow process of reconstruction
of the relation between memory space and architecture. And events start coming
back, through the process of building.



In order to develop this, we needed
to explore the historical use of memory and architecture, such as Frances Yates'
The Art of Memory (read it here), as well as different accounts on
the use of trauma, and bring them into the digital age, bring an understanding
of the relation of testimony and evidence into contemporary thinking. Single
incidents tend to be argued away as aberrations of 'standard operating
procedures'. To bring charges against government and military leaderships, it
is necessary to demonstrate 'gross and systematic' violations.
This means finding consistent and repeated patterns of
violations. Architectural analysis, undertaken on the level of
the city is able to demonstrate repetition and transformations in patterns of
violation/destruction in space and time—within the battle zone along the
duration of the conflict. Architectural analysis is useful not only in dealing
with architectural evidence—i.e with destroyed buildings—but also helpful in
locating other bits of evidence—testimony films or photos—in relation to one
other bits of evidence, and cross referring these in space.



Urban violence unfolds at different
intensities, speeds and spatial scales: it is made of patterns of multiple
instantaneous events as well as slower incremental processes of 'environmental
violence' that affects the transformation of larger territories. We aims to analyze
and present the relation between forms of violence that occur at different
space and time scales. From eruptive kinetic violence of the instantaneous/human
incident through patterns of destruction mapped across and along the duration
of urban conflict, to what Rob Nixon calls the 'slow violence' of environmental
transformation (read the introduction of the eponymous book here,
pdf).





Last question. How does your approach to research relate to, or differ
from, approaches to international politics?



To study conflict as a reality that unfolds across
multiple scales, we use the microphysical approach—dealing with details,
fragments and ruins—as an entry-point from which we will unpack the larger
dynamics of a conflict. We reconstruct singular incidents, locate them in space
and time to look for and identify patterns, then study these patterns in
relation to long terms and wide-scale environmental transformations. This
approach seeks to make connections between, what Marc Bloch of the Annales
School called 'micro- and macro-history, between close-ups and extreme long
shots' in his thesis on historical method. This topological approach is
distinct from a traditional scalar one: the macro
(political/strategic/territorial) situation will not be seen a root cause for a
myriad set of local human right violations (incidents/tactics). In the complex
reality of conflict, singularities are equally the result of 'framing
conditions' and also contributing factors to phase transitions that might
affect, or 'de-frame' as Latour has put it, changes occurring in wider areas.
Instead of nesting smaller scales within larger ones, our analysis will seek to
fluidly shift from macro to micro, from political conditions to individual
cases, from buildings to environments and this along multiple threads,
connection and feedback loops.



While in relation to the single
incident it might still be possible to establish a direct, liner connection
between the two limit figures of the perpetrator and the victim along the model
of (international) criminal law, evidence for environmental violence is more
scattered and diffused. Instead, it requires the examination of what we call
'field causalities'—causal ecologies that are non-linear, diffused,
simultaneous, and that involve multiple agencies and feedback loops,
challenging the immediacy of 'evidence'. 




Establishing field causalities requires the
examination of force fields and causal ecologies, that are non-linear,
diffused, simultaneous and involve multiple agencies and feedback loops.
Whereas linear causality entails a focus on sequences of causal events on the
model of criminal law that seeks to trace a direct line between the two limit
figures of victim and perpetrator field causality involves the spatial
arrangement of simultaneous sites, actions and causes. It is inherently relational
and thus a spatial concept. By treating space as the medium of relation between
separate elements of evidence brought together, we aim to expand the analytical
scope of forensic architecture. It is inherently relational and thus a spatial
concept. By treating space as the medium of relation between separate elements
of evidence brought together, field causalities expands the analytical scope of
forensic architecture.



Let me illustrate this a bit. Forms
of violence are crucially convertible one to another. Drying fields along the
Sahel or the Great Syrian Desert, for example, reach a point in which they can
no longer support their farmers, contributing to impoverishment, migration to
cities, slumnization and waves of protest that might contribute to the eruption
of armed conflict. These layers call for a form of architectural analysis able
to shift and synthesize information at different scales—from single incidents
as they are registered in the immediate spatial setting, through patterns of
violations across the entire urban terrain to 'environmental violence'
articulated in the transformation of large territories.





Eyal Weizman is an architect, Professor of Visual Cultures and director
of the Centre for Research Architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London.
Since 2011 he also directs the European Research Council funded project, Forensic
Architecture - on the place of architecture in international
humanitarian law. Since 2007 he is a founding member of the architectural
collective DAAR in Beit
Sahour/Palestine. Weizman has been a professor of architecture at the Academy
of Fine Arts in Vienna and has also taught at the Bartlett (UCL) in London at
the Stadel School in Frankfurt and is a Professeur invité at the École des
hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) in Paris. He lectured, curated and
organised conferences in many institutions worldwide. His books include Mengele's
Skull (with Thomas Keenan at Sterenberg Press 2012), ForensicArchitecture (dOCUMENTA13
notebook, 2012), The Least of all Possible Evils (Nottetempo
2009, Verso 2011), Hollow Land (Verso, 2007), A
Civilian Occupation (Verso, 2003), the series Territories 1,2
and 3, Yellow Rhythms and many articles in journals, magazines
and edited books. 



Related links





Facultyprofile at Goldsmith
Forensic Architecture homepage
Read
Weizman's introduction to Forensis
(2014) here
(pdf)
Read
Weizman's Forensic Architecture: Notes
from Fields and Forums (dOCUMENTA 2012) here
(pdf)
Read
Weizman's Lethal Theory (2009) here (pdf)
Read
the introduction to Weizman's Hollow Land
(2007) here
(pdf)


Print version of this Talk (pdf)




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1- Introducción En un breve artículo ciertamente premonitorio, William Schneider (1994) identificaba las características de la nueva cultura política que, condicionada y a su vez potenciada por las nuevas tecnologías de la información, estaba cambiando la relación histórica entre partidos, líderes y electores. Schneider avanzaba tres características principales de este nuevo acontecer político (Schneider, 1994: 779), a saber: el pragmatismo entendido como la dilución de las ideologías; el personalismo con la emergencia de la figura del candidato por sobre la del partido; y por último el populismo como un movimiento claramente anti-elitista y anti-establishment. En el mundo post guerra fría, la demanda acentuada de participación popular y de control del demos sobre los procesos de decisión y las herméticas elites gubernamentales, obligaría al sistema político a rever las estrategias de comunicación, facilitar la inclusión de las masas y mejorar los procesos de rendición de cuentas. Esto conduciría a une mejora del sistema político y del funcionamiento democrático de las instituciones2. Sin embargo, escasos son los cambios que las principales democracias del mundo han introducido en sus instituciones para mejorar el proceso de inclusión democrática, como así lo atestan el mantenimiento de sistemas electorales a menudo arcaicos y la renuencia de las élites políticas a la utilización de mecanismos de democracia directa. Donde sí ha existido una modificación orientada a complacer a la ciudadanía es, como bien menciona Schneider, en el discurso y en la estrategia política. Cortejar a las masas e incluirlas en un proyecto común (del cual excluiremos a las élites) ha progresivamente reemplazado el debate ideológico. El discurso político se transforma entonces en una técnica de movilización del pueblo en contra de una comunidad política desarticulada y debilitada cuyas instituciones flaquean en sus componentes organizativo y representativo (Badie, 1997: 227). Es en este ámbito de quebranto de los valores de la democracia representativa donde la crisis de la representación y "la faillite du politique" cobran amplio sentido y donde el populismo se inscribe entonces como un proceso subversivo de los canales tradicionales de movilización política, creando nuevas lealtades (apolíticas o anti políticas) culturales, nacionales, comunitarias, étnicas, etc., en reemplazo de las anticuadas construcciones sociales (élites, establishment, clase política, etc.). Pero si el populismo se define antes que nada en oposición al sistema político, no es en sí ni una teoría política ni un programa económico alternativo (Touraine, 1997: 242), y es por eso que podemos argumentar que el populismo se inscribe más en la práctica discursiva que en el dominio de lo normativo. Pero, a fin de cuentas, ¿qué es el populismo? Todo y nada se ha escrito sobre este fenómeno que apasiona y confunde tanto por su complejidad (e inconsistencia) teórica, su variabilidad histórica y la ambigüedad moral que este fenómeno histórico, político e ideológico ha generado entre críticos y defensores. El estudio del populismo ha sido objeto de enfoques disciplinarios que, en lugar de integrar el fenómeno en un contexto general, han contribuido a su compartimentación (Holmes, 1990: 27). Así, los historiadores se han focalizado en los aspectos descriptivos del fenómeno, los politólogos han intentado construir definiciones operativas del concepto, los sociólogos se han centrado en aplicar las teorías de la movilización para explicar la construcción de los movimientos populistas, y los enfoques marxistas, por ejemplo, han aportado clarificaciones sobre la relación entre el populismo y el desarrollo del sistema capitalista moderno. Ernesto Laclau, uno de los más fecundos pensadores sobre la cuestión, ha propuesto que el sustento del populismo reside en la oposición semiótica entre una entidad denominada Pueblo y otra denominada Poder (Laclau, 1977: 167) y que es la propia vaguedad de estas construcciones discursivas la que avala la permanencia y resistencia de este fenómeno. El populismo se articularía y construiría a partir de dos premisas centrales. La primera es una dependencia epistemológica de lo negativo, del enemigo; el populismo, como movimiento con un débil componente ideológico y normativo, se construye preferentemente sobre la crítica más que sobre la propuesta. Es en la identificación del enemigo donde el populismo gana la mitad de la batalla. La segundad premisa, igualmente negativa, es la construcción de un sentido y vínculo comunitario a través del "sacrificio colectivo". Es necesario para esto una articulación narrativa que oponga al Pueblo (o sociedad virtuosa) a una élite egotista destinada al sacrificio (Schulte-Sasse, 1993: 96). El populismo, por lo tanto, no sólo debe definir (y construir) un enemigo, sino que la eliminación de ese enemigo pasa a ser el factor aglutinante del discurso y el accionar político. Si el enfoque de Laclau permite efectivamente un amplio espectro de análisis, es la imprecisión conceptual del "fenómeno populista" lo que ha llevado a la manipulación y abuso teóricos de un concepto por demás interesante. En efecto, la política del antagonismo no es privilegio exclusivo de los movimientos populistas, sino que es producto de la banalización y pauperización del discurso político, contribuyendo así a la creación de sociedades binarias donde los matices y la búsqueda de compromisos inclusivos ceden terreno frente a posiciones radicales. Aquellos que anunciaban el amanecer de una "política de consenso" más allá de las tradicionales demarcaciones izquierda/derecha, constatan en la actualidad la emergencia de nuevas fronteras políticas que fragilizan el consenso y de partidos políticos que aprovechan la debilidad del debate democrático para anunciarse como representantes directos investidos de la voz del pueblo (Mouffe, 2005: 51). En este sentido, la práctica discursiva que construye categorías excluyentes como pueblo/poder, amigo/enemigo, sociedad civil/élites, nacional/foráneo etc., no define únicamente al populismo, sino que ha pasado a ser una estrategia recurrente de movilización política en las democracias modernas. Por lo tanto, la fuerza explicativa de este proceso semiótico en referencia al populismo se diluye, ya sea porque se ha "populizado" la política o porque se ha politizado el populismo. 2- El populismo europeo El populismo europeo, vigente desde mediados/fines del siglo XIX, está fuertemente ligado al sentimiento nacionalista y, en algunos casos, a la consolidación del Estado. Desde fines del siglo XVIII, las nociones de nación y pueblo han articulado las construcciones de las diferentes instituciones y regímenes políticos, pero independientemente de cuáles hayan sido los caminos recorridos, todos se han visto inculcar por el Estado un cuerpo de valores destinado a exaltar las particularidades propias de cada pueblo, cimentadas en un sentimiento de solidaridad excluyente (Hermet, 1997: 34). Esta construcción de una solidaridad e identidad nacional siguió dos caminos diferentes. En los países liberales como Gran Bretaña y Francia, donde existía ya una ciudadanía en vías de expansión, la adhesión al proyecto nacionalista se logró bajo el entendido que si las masas hasta ahora sometidas devenían progresivamente actores políticos, el sistema sólo podría sostenerse a través de la solidaridad y pertenencia a una identidad común, a la vez nacionalista y cívica. Es en el ejercicio creciente de sus responsabilidades y derechos cívicos y políticos donde el pueblo (la ciudadanía en este caso) edifica un proyecto único del cual todos son parte. Por el contrario, en estados más autoritarios que liberales y de creación reciente y cuyo proceso de unificación aún no estaba terminado, como en Alemania o Italia, la nacionalización acelerada de esas identidades fragmentadas, tanto a nivel político como religioso, se construyó antes que nada sobre la solidaridad cultural de la población, a fin de paliar el lento (o inexistente) proceso de construcción cívica (Hermet, 1997: 35). El primer tipo de construcción nacional es lo que ha pasado a denominarse nacionalismo cívico liberal, más acotado a los Estados de Europa occidental. El segundo caso es el de un nacional-populismo o un nacionalismo orgánico y autoritario, más propio de Europa central y oriental Estas construcciones arquetípicas reflejan las dos grandes concepciones sobre la nación y la ciudadanía. La idea de nacionalismo occidental u oriental es intercambiable con la noción de nacionalismo político (el caso francés) o cultural (caso alemán). Si bien es sabido que todos los nacionalismos poseen a su vez características políticas o culturales, la distinción entre estas dos vertientes dependerá de la importancia relativa y de la prioridad histórica de los principios de la organización política o de las preocupaciones culturales (lengua, literatura, historia, folklore, etc.). En el caso de la nación política (Francia): el pueblo = Estado = nación. Toda la población residente sobre el territorio controlado por el Estado constituye la nación. Es el Estado quien crea, quien define la nación (creación desde arriba). En este caso, la unidad política precede a la unidad cultural. En este modelo, la ciudadanía puede ser adquirida por todos aquellos nacidos en el territorio (ius solis), y que adhieran a esta concepción (en el caso francés, a los valores republicanos). Típicamente esta forma de nacionalismo no reconoce la diferencia cultural (ej. velo musulmán). En el caso del nacionalismo cultural (Alemania), la unión se logra a través de una identidad común, lingüística, étnica o cultural. La Nación crea el Estado; la unidad cultural precede a la unidad política. En estos casos, la ciudadanía no puede ser adquirida, sino que es innata, reservada a un grupo primigenio definido en términos étnico-culturales (ius sanguinis). Este nacionalismo no reconoce la asimilación cultural (ej: los judíos o los turcos) (Greenfield, 1999: 48-49). El nacionalismo cívico liberal fue en gran medida impulsado por la clase dominante del momento-la burguesía económica-, y reposa sobre principios abstractos de igualdad y libertad propios de individuos desarraigados de los lazos comunitarios y necesarios para la creación de regímenes burgueses liberales (Khon, 1967). La burguesía, que no se reconocía en le "petit peuple", se oponía a la creación de una identidad nacional basada en características culturales populares. El nacional-populismo, por el contrario, más pasional que intelectual, se desarrolló ahí donde los constructores del Estado nación no tenían otro recurso que exaltar los particularismos culturales (o étnicos) de la comunidad en su proceso de construcción política. En los países de Europa Oriental, donde las élites burguesas carecían del empuje necesario (en parte por una débil industrialización y la permanencia de fuertes estructuras rurales, con históricos lazos de solidaridad entre sí y de subordinación a la autoridad), los valores liberales no lograron influenciar la construcción del Estado. El nacional populismo puede ser visto, igualmente, como un fenómeno de resistencia y de rechazo hacia una opresión exterior, como fue el caso de los Balcanes bajo la dominación Austro-Húngara, de Irlanda hacia Inglaterra o del país vasco contra España. Esta forma de solidaridad se cristalizó en gran medida en las minorías oprimidas en el seno de imperios multiétnicos que, ansiosos por imponer una uniformidad liberal o autoritaria, provocaron como reacción la consolidación de identidades nacionales deseosas de garantizar su libertad, autonomía e integridad a través de la edificación de un Estado propio. El nacional populismo, exacerbando en algunos casos el carácter casi mesiánico de pertenencia a una cultura única, producirá emancipaciones ideológicas peligrosas como el fascismo. El populismo europeo ha conocido diferentes corrientes políticas a lo largo del siglo XX que desgraciadamente no podemos tratar aquí. Conviene sin embargo mencionar que en su acepción más reciente, el populismo europeo se ha visto revigorizado por una unión discursiva con la extrema derecha (o lo que se ha denominado como la "nouvelle droite"), que maneja a placer los discursos identitarios, nacionalistas y anti-elites en un peligroso cocktail ideológico a fuerte potencial de movilización. Mazzolenni ha identificado 5 características centrales de este "neo-populismo" europeo (2003: 117). En primer lugar el populismo conduce a una valorización del pueblo, del "hombre de la calle". El llamado al pueblo implica la participación política directa y la desconfianza de la democracia representativa. El "culto al pueblo" se acompaña con la crítica a las élites. En cuarto lugar, un equilibrio precario se instala entre crítica y aceptación del sistema. Como las instituciones son necesarias para aportar la legitimidad política, la crítica no puede abiertamente intentar destruir el sistema político; en algunos países pueden entonces instalarse "simulacros de democracia". Por último, el populismo es acompañado casi siempre de la exaltación del líder carismático en el cual se concentran el proyecto y las aspiraciones del pueblo. Convengamos, sin embargo, que no todos los movimientos populistas europeos son de derecha, reflejando así la "flexibilidad" ideológica (u oportunismo político) de estos partidos así como la heterogeneidad de la base de apoyo a los movimientos populistas. Estos y otros puntos han conducido a ciertos autores a ver en el resurgimiento del populismo de derecha una amenaza al orden democrático (Mouffe, 2005), pero otros, más mesurados, ven en el éxito de estos partidos de "nueva derecha" un realineamiento de los clivajes tradicionales y de las lealtades partidarias (Sciarini et al. 2002, Hug y Treschel, 2002, Lachat y Kriesi, 2008, Oesch, 2008). En este sentido, los partidos populistas se beneficiarían de un posicionamiento ideológico en terreno fértil y de una hábil estrategia política frente al inmovilismo de los partidos más tradicionales, socialistas y de centro derecha, limitados en su accionar por lealtades de clase y concepciones morales anquilosadas. 3- El populismo Latinoamericano El caso latinoamericano no escapa, como sus colegas europeo o norteamericano, a las dificultades de conceptualización producto de diferentes enfoques disciplinarios. Weyland (2001) ha realizado un importante trabajo estudiando los diferentes conceptos que han sido utilizados para abarcar el populismo latinoamericano y demostrar que la confusión conceptual proviene del hecho que los académicos enfatizan diferentes atributos como características decisivas del concepto, sin ponerse de acuerdo si estamos hablando del ámbito político, económico, social, discursivo u otro (Weyland, 2001:2). Tres grandes enfoques han predominado en el estudio del populismo. Entre 1960-80, la utilización de conceptos cumulativos predominó en el estudio del fenómeno3, influenciada por las teorías desarrollistas (modernización y dependencia) que argumentaban la fuerte subordinación de la esfera política a los factores socio económicos. Estos autores resaltaban en el populismo un conjunto central de características políticas y socioeconómicas. Los regímenes populistas serían en parte una respuesta a los fenómenos de urbanización, de industrialización y de participación masiva que fragilizaron las instituciones existentes y permitieron la emergencia de regímenes inestables centrados a menudo en una lógica de acción política personalista y carismática, plebiscitaria y redistributiva, destinada a agrupar y movilizar las masas desorganizadas y amorfas (Germani, 1974). Ciertos autores han querido ver en el populismo un proceso de desarrollo intermedio entre el pasaje de una sociedad tradicional o pre industrial hacia una sociedad moderna industrializada, orientada a la sustitución de importaciones y donde un régimen oligárquico cede terreno frente a la emergencia de la sociedad de masas (Cardoso y Faletto, 1979). Otros autores, como Roberts (1995: 89), han intentando descifrar el populismo utilizando conceptos radiales o de adición4. Así, los populismos latinoamericanos tendrían las siguientes características: Un liderazgo paternalista y personalista; una coalición política heterogénea y multi –clase; un proceso de movilización política top down que cortocircuita las instancias tradicionales de mediación; una ideología amorfa y ecléctica; y un proyecto económico que utiliza importantes políticas redistributivas y clientelares. La existencia de estos 5 aspectos caracterizaría al populismo pleno, mientras que la presencia de una o más características constituiría sub-tipos particulares de populismo. Por último, la tradición más reciente se ha centrado en el estudio del populismo latinoamericano como un concepto clásico en el ámbito político. El populismo no puede ser enfocado como un concepto económico, argumenta Weyland (2001:11) porque su utilización es confusa y problemática y la política económica es, en manos populistas, un instrumento, no un fin. La definición política ve al populismo como una manera particular de competir y ejercer el poder. El populismo se sitúa en la esfera de la dominación, no de la distribución. El populismo intenta antes que nada construir formas de control político, y la distribución de beneficios a través de políticas socio-económicas es una herramienta para facilitar ese control. El líder populista busca ganar y ejercer el poder, y su oportunismo tiene como corolario un débil compromiso en el campo ideológico y programático. Construido a partir de la dicotomía amigo/enemigo que permea toda acción política, el populismo debe ser definido como una estrategia política, entendida como la capacidad de los líderes de perpetuarse en la arena política. Bajo el populismo, el "gobierno" es ejercido por un líder carismático, no por un grupo u organización política (Weyland, 2001: 18). El populismo surge principalmente cuando ese líder logra arrear y agrupar el apoyo masivo de gran parte del pueblo en un movimiento espontaneo y atomizado donde la lealtad de cada individuo se inscribe en una lógica vertical de subordinación entre él y el líder, y no en una lógica horizontal de solidaridad mecánica de pertenencia a un proyecto común. En este sentido, los movimientos populistas y sus adherentes carecen de la cohesión ideológica necesaria para que el movimiento sobreviva a la partida/muerte del líder. 4- Democracia populista Vs. Populismos semi-democráticos A modo de breve conclusión, desearía discutir brevemente uno de los puntos subrayados en la introducción. Si una de las características principales de la nueva cultura política y democrática es el populismo, entendido como un discurso anti élite y anti establishment (y hasta anti intelectual), conviene interrogarse entonces en qué se parecen las democracias populistas modernas (como la Americana o la Francesa) y los regímenes populistas democráticos o semi-democráticos (Argentina, Venezuela, Ecuador, etc.). Por lo tanto, hay que distinguir entre lo que es una característica secundaria del sistema – el populismo como lenguaje político – de un principio ordenador y legitimador del poder -el populismo en los regímenes latinoamericanos-. La diferencia puede ser entendida con un claro ejemplo. Mientras que el lenguaje populista en las democracias modernas tiene como cometido "igualar" al líder político con el votante común, el populismo latinoamericano presupone todo lo contrario, la excepcionalidad del líder. El populismo americano o francés actual elimina todo privilegio, todo "passe-droit" que la figura del líder político piense poder tener por su pertenencia a un grupo privilegiado; por el contrario, presupone que el contrato de confianza ciudadano entre gobernados y gobernantes demanda una conducta intachable y responsable de estos últimos. En el caso de los populismos semi-democráticos, el líder es por naturaleza excepcional y, ya sea por la escasa instrucción cívica y ciudadana, por la corrupción del sistema político o por lo que es aún peor, la creencia dogmática en el carácter mesiánico del líder, éste se encuentra, de facto, por encima de la ciudadanía (y por ende de la ley). El culto al líder al que se libran los populismos latinoamericanos y la triste complacencia de las ciudadanías amorfas erosionan el accionar democrático, debilitan la separación de poderes y conducen a la utilización irresponsable y clientelista de los recursos nacionales. Si es innegable igualmente que el discurso populista en las democracias modernas puede ser antes que nada una estrategia política en época de crisis y vacas flacas, no obstante éste se construye sobre una premisa incuestionable: la igualdad ciudadana y la necesidad de contralor del poder político. Lo importante aquí no es la incorporación ética por parte de las élites de los principios de igualdad y responsabilidad, sino la sanción, electoral o legal, de todo comportamiento que infrinja ese contrato de confianza. Lejos de mí la idea de asimilar al elector francés o americano a un quijote cívico y moralizador, pero en su estrategia "maximizadora" de bienestar no se encuentra la tolerancia a la corrupción política, al abuso de poder o a la desigualdad manifiesta entre gobernantes y gobernados. Si bien admitimos que el populismo latinoamericano emerge en un contexto histórico de débil institucionalización en las décadas del 20-30 en adelante (en cierta medida heredero de las tradiciones caudillistas), y que el vínculo primordial entre líder y pueblo fue en parte necesario para asegurar derechos sociales y cívicos antes del otorgamiento de plenos derechos políticos, ¿qué argumentos justifican 60 años después de un Perón o un Vargas la ciega obsecuencia ante un "déspota iluminado"?.1- El presente artículo retoma partes de un trabajo más extenso dedicado al estudio del fenómeno populista en los Estados Unidos (en vías de publicación). Lo que se presenta a continuación sirve como introducción teórica en dicho artículo. La conclusión de este artículo sí representa una reflexión original.2- Autores como Schumpeter, sin embargo, han argumentado contra el concepto clásico de democracia popular extendida, avanzando que una parte importante de la ciudadanía carece de los conocimientos necesarios para realizar juicios instruidos y determinar el bien común y que por lo tanto estaría ésta a la merced de élites políticas "manipuladoras". En este sentido, el ciudadano debería limitarse a la elección de líderes y a su sanción periódica vía los procesos electorales. Ver J. SHUMPETER, 1994 (rev. ed), Capitalism. Socialism and Democracy, Routledge.3- Los conceptos cumulativos elaboran definiciones combinando los atributos de diferentes campos a través de la lógica de inclusión "Y". Sólo las características comunes de todos los dominios son adoptadas como determinantes del concepto. Los conceptos cumulativos aportan un alto estándar de inclusión con un pequeño número de casos y excluyen la posibilidad de casos "límite". Un problema recurrente de los conceptos cumulativos es su debilidad empírica si hay escasa superposición entre las diferentes áreas de estudio, generando así pocos casos reales que cumplan con el fuerte contenido teórico.4- Los conceptos radiales utilizan la preposición lógica "O", conectando los atributos propuestos por los autores en diferentes campos. Si un caso posee al menos una de estas características puede ser incorporado al estudio del concepto. Si los conceptos radiales poseen las ventajas de abarcar un amplio universo de casos, la pertinencia de cada caso dependerá del número de características totales que posea, falseando entonces la comparación entre los diferentes casos. Así, en el caso del populismo, tendríamos populismos "leves" que poseen unas pocas características conceptuales contra populismos fuertes que se asemejarían a los "tipos ideales". 5- BibliografíaAERSINGER, P., «Ideology and Behavior : Legislative Politics in Western Populism» in Agricultural History, Vol. 58 (jan. 1984), pp. 43-58.AGULHON, M., et al. «Le populisme ? Neuf réponses» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro spécial : Les populismes (Oct.-Dec., 1997), pp. 224-242.BADIE, B., «Une Faillite du Politique» in «Le populisme ? Neuf réponses» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro spécial : Les populismes (Oct.-Dec., 1997), pp. 226-228.CARDOZO, F.H. and FALETTO, E., 1979, Dependancy and development in Latin America, University of California Press, Berkeley.FERKISS, C., «Political and Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism, Right and Left» in Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, Vol. 344 (Nov., 1962), pp. 1-12.GERMANI, G., 1974, Política y Sociedad en una Epoca de Transición, Paidós, Buenos Aires.GOODWYN, L., 1976, Democratic Promise : The Populist Movement in America, Oxford University Press, New York.GREENFIELD, L., «Is Nation Unavoidable ? Is Nation Unavoidable Today ?» in KRIESI, H., et al. (eds), 1999, Nation and Nationality Identity. The European Experience in Perspective, Verlag Rüegger, Chur, pp. 37-54.HERMET, G., «Populisme et Nationalisme» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro Spécial : Les populismes (Oct. –Dec., 1997), pp. 34-47.HOLMES, W., «Populism : In Search of Context» in Agricultural History, Vol. 64, Nº4 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 26-58.HUG, S., and TRECHSEL, A., « Clivages et identification partisane » in HUG, S., et SCIARINI, P. (eds.), 2002, Changements de valeurs et nouveaux clivages politiques en Suisse, L´Harmattan, Paris, pp. 207-235.KOHN, H., 1967 (rev. ed.), The Idea of Nationalism, Collier-Macmillan, New York.LACHAT, R. et KRIESI. H., «Supply Side: the Positioning of the Political Parties in a Restructuring Space», in Kriesi, H., Grande, E., Lachat, R. et al., 2008, West European Politics in the Age of Globalization, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.LACLAU, E., 1977, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory, Verso, London.MATTHEWS, F., «"Hobbesian Populism" : Interpretative Paradigms and Moral Vision in american Historiography» in The Journal of Amercain History, Vol. 72, Nº1 (Jun., 1985), pp. 92-115.MAZZOLENI, O., 2003, Nationalisme et Populisme en Suisse : la radicalisation de la nouvelle UDC, Presses polytechniques et universitaires romandes, Lausanne.MELANDRI, P., «La rhétorique populiste aux Etats Unis» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro Spécial : Les populismes (Oct. –Dec., 1997), pp. 184-200.MOUFFE, C., «The "End of Politics" and the challenge of Right-Wing Populism» in Populism and the Mirror of Democracy, Panizza, F. (ed), (2005), Verso, London, pp. 50-71.OESCH, D., 2006, Redrawing the class map: stratification and institutions in Britain, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke.ROBERTS, K., «Neoliberalism and the Transformation of Populism in Latin America» in World Politics, Vol. 48 (oct. 1995), pp. 82-116.SCHNEIDER, W., «The New Populism» in Political Psychology, Vol. 15, Nº4 (Dec., 1994), pp. 779-784.SCHULTE-SASSE, L., «Meet Ross Perot : The Lasting Legacy of Capraesque Populism» in Cultural Critique, Nº25 (autumn, 1993), pp.91-119.SCHUMPETER, J., 1994 (rev. ed.), Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, RoutledgeSCIARINI, P., and NICOLET, S. (eds), 2010, Le Destin Electoral de la Gauche : Analyse du vote socialiste et vert en Suisse. Georg, Genève.SHOGAN, C., «Anti-Intellectualism in the Modern Presidency : A Republican Populism» in Perspectives on Politics, Vol.5, Nº2 (Jun., 2007), pp. 295-303.TOURAINE, A., «Le Brun, le Rouge et le Français» in «Le populisme ? Neuf réponses» in Vingtième Siècle. Revue d´histoire, Nº56, Numéro spécial : Les populismes (Oct.-Dec., 1997), pp. 239-242.TURNER, J., «Understanding the Populists» in Journal of American History, Vol. 67 (Sep. 1980), pp. 354-373.WEYLAND, K., «Clarifying a Contested Concept : Populism in the Study of Latin American Politics» in Comparative Politics, Vol. 34, Nº1 (Oct., 2001), pp.1-22. Germán Clulow - Universidad-ORT.

This is introduction, acknowledgements and dedication part from Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes. Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes is a collection of select peer-reviewed scholarly articles developed from concepts and positions presented and generated at the First International Symposium on Languages for Specific Purposes (ISLSP) celebrated on April 13–14, 2012 at the University of Alabama at Birmingham (United States). The symposium gathered 31 speakers and over 80 participants from all over the nation and other parts of the world. Each speaker brought a unique perspective of Languages for Specific Purposes (LSP), which was essential to pave the way to enlightening, fruitful and engaging discussions throughout the 2–day symposium. ; To cite the digital version, add its Reference URL (found by following the link in the header above the digital file). ; Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes Lourdes Sánchez-López Editor UAB Digital Collections Birmingham, Alabama, March 2013 Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes ISBN 978-0-9860107-0-5 UAB Digital Collections Mervyn H. Sterne Library University of Alabama at Birmingham March 2013 Editor Lourdes Sánchez-López University of Alabama at Birmingham Production Manager Jennifer Brady University of Denver Editorial Board Julia S. Austin University of Alabama at Birmingham William C. Carter University of Alabama at Birmingham Alicia Cipria University of Alabama Sheri Spaine Long United States Air Force Academy / University of Alabama at Birmingham Jesús López-Peláez Casellas University of Jaén Clara Mojica Díaz Tennessee State University Malinda Blair O'Leary University of Alabama at Birmingham Susan Spezzini University of Alabama at Birmingham Rebekah Ranew Trinh University of Alabama at Birmingham Lamia Ben Youssef Zayzafoon University of Alabama at Birmingham Table of Contents INTRODUCTION, ACKNOWLEDGMENTS & DEDICATION Lourdes Sánchez-López . x ON LSP THEORETICAL MODELS Continuing Theoretical Cartography in the LSP Era Michael S. Doyle . 2 ON THE CURRENT STATE OF LSP Language for Specific Purposes Job Announcements from the Modern Language Association Job List: A Multiyear Analysis Mary K. Long . 15 ON LSP PROGRAMS AND PRACTICES Spanish for the Professions: Program Design and Assessment Carmen King de Ramírez and Barbara A. Lafford . 31 Spanish for Professional Purposes: An Overview of the Curriculum in the Tri-state Region Leticia Barajas . 42 The Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate (SSPC) Program: Meeting the Professional Needs of Students and Community Lourdes Sánchez López . 62 French for International Conference at The University of the West Indies, Mona: Total Simulation in the Teaching of Languages for Specific Purposes Marie-José Nzengou-Tayo and Gilles Lubeth . 73 ON THE UNEXPECTED LSP PARTICIPANT The Unexpected Spanish for Specific Purposes Professor: A Tale of Two Institutions Sheri Spaine Long . 88 A Doctoral Student's Shift from Modified AAVE to Academic English: Evidence for Establishing a Language for Specific Purposes Focus Susan Spezzini, Lisa A. La Cross, and Julia Austin . 99 ON METHODOLOGY Teaching Business Chinese: The Importance and Methodology of Building Pragmatic Competence and the Case of Buhaoyisi Yahui Anita Huang . 110 Enhancing Language for Specific Purposes through Interactive Peer-to-Peer Oral Techniques Susan Seay, Susan Spezzini, and Julia S. Austin . 121 Orchestrating a Job Search Clinic for International Scholars and Students Kristi Shaw-Saleh, Susan Olmstead-Wang, Helen Dolive, and Kent D. Hamilton . 129 iii Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) Contributors Julia S. Austin, PhD is Director of Educational Services for the University of Alabama at Birmingham Graduate School and has been a university administrator and a teacher educator for 25 years. She has been continuously funded since 2000 by the US Department of Education National Professional Development grant program to prepare teachers to effectively serve English learners. Dr. Austin has published and presented on effective teaching practices, academic writing, authorship ethics, and collaborative mentoring. Leticia Barajas, MA is a doctoral student in the Second Language Studies program at the University of Cincinnati where she also teaches academic ESL. Her areas of expertise are Language for Specific Purposes, Spanish for professional purposes and Academic English. Prior to this position, she worked for the Spanish department at the University of Kentucky and developed curriculum for Business Spanish and Spanish for Law Enforcement courses in Mexico and Spain. Leticia Barajas is currently writing her dissertation on Spanish for professionals and working on teacher training for professional development. Jennifer Brady, PhD is the Assistant Managing Editor of Hispania and Lecturer of Spanish at the University of Denver where she teaches all levels of Spanish language and Iberian Culture and Civilization. Her research interests include masculinities in contemporary Spain, doubling and repetition in contemporary Spanish fiction, and modification and illness in physical bodies in Spanish fiction. William C. Carter, PhD is Distinguished Professor Emeritus at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. His biography Marcel Proust: A Life was selected as a ―Notable Book of 2000‖ by The New York Times, a ―Best Book of 2000‖ by the Los Angeles Times, and a ―Best Biography of 2000‖ by the Sunday Times of London. Harold Bloom has written that Carter's book, Proust in Love is ―a marvelous study of the comic splendor of the great novelist's of human eros and its discontents.‖ He co-produced the award-winning documentary Marcel Proust: A Writer's Life. His website is http://www.proust-ink.com. Alicia Cipria, PhD is Associate Professor of Spanish Linguistics at the University of Alabama. Her research interests include theoretical and applied issues of tense, aspect and aktionsart (Spanish and English), teaching methodology, Spanish/English contrasts, translation, and contact of Spanish with other non-indigenous languages. Helen Dolive, MA is the International Student Advisor at Birmingham-Southern College. She previously worked as an Immigration Advisor at the University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB). She holds Master's degrees in English from Xavier University (Cincinnati, Ohio) and in teaching English as a Second Language from UAB. A British citizen, Helen completed her undergraduate studies in English at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth, during which she lived for a year in Belgium. Her research interests include ESL for adult learners, English for Specific Purposes, intercultural communication, sociolinguistics, and orienting new international students. iv Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) Michael S. Doyle, PhD is Professor of Spanish and Latin American Studies at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte, where he chaired the Department of Foreign Languages from 1993–1999. He has also served as Graduate Coordinator (1999–2003 and 2005–2009), Director of the Certificate in Business Spanish (1998–) and Director of the undergraduate and graduate Certificates in Translating and Translation Studies (2000–2012). He received his PhD in Spanish from the University of Virginia in 1981. His specialties are Spanish for Business and International Trade, Business Language Studies (BLS), Translating and Translation Studies (TTS: language, discourse, and transcultural studies, literary and non-literary), and 20th-century Spanish literature. Kent D. Hamilton, MA Ed is a graduate of the University of Alabama at Birmingham Master of Education in ESL/EFL and is currently working southern Thailand at The Prince of Songkla University, Trang Campus as a lecturer in the Department of Languages. His teaching responsibilities include classes in listening, speaking, grammar, and assisting with professional and staff development classes to improve their English language proficiency. Before entering the field of education he had successful careers as a firefighter/paramedic and as an attorney Yahui Anita Huang, PhD is Assistant Professor in the Modern Foreign Languages Department at Birmingham-Southern College. Her principal academic specializations include Chinese linguistics, Semantics, Pragmatics, and language pedagogy. Her research includes the form and meaning of Chinese conditionals with a focus on quantification, presupposition, modal implications, pronoun occurrence as compared to English ―whatever‖ and ―whoever‖ sentences, and teaching Chinese for specific purposes with an emphasis on building students' pragmatic competence. She teaches Chinese language, culture, and linguistics courses and works as an interpreter and translator. Carmen King de Ramírez, PhD is Clinical Assistant Professor and coordinator for the Spanish for the Professions Program at Arizona State University. She teaches Latin American Culture for the Professions, Spanish in US Communities, Introduction to Interpretation, and Spanish for Health Care. Dr. King de Ramírez specializes in community based learning and professional internship placements for undergraduate students. Her current research interests include LSP programs, heritage learners, digital pedagogy, and service learning/community engagement. Lisa A. La Cross, MA is currently in a doctoral program in Linguistics at the University of Georgia. Her recent research has examined the sociolinguistic implications of the use of the schwa in French and the syntactical structure of African American Vernacular English (AAVE). Her future projects include investigating the role of the social variety of French and AAVE within education. Before moving to Georgia, she taught English as a Second Language (ESL) in an urban, public, high school in Birmingham, Alabama. Barbara A. Lafford, PhD is Professor of Spanish linguistics and heads the Faculty of Languages and Cultures for the School of Letters and Sciences at Arizona State University (ASU). Since arriving at ASU she has published in the areas of Spanish sociolinguistics, second language acquisition, Spanish applied linguistics, computer assisted language learning, v Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) and Languages for Specific Purposes (LSP), including the 2012 focus issue on LSP that she edited for the Modern Language Journal. In her administrative role, she has overseen the creation of a Spanish for the professions minor/certificate focused on programs offered on the ASU Downtown Phoenix campus (e.g., education, healthcare, criminology, social work, journalism). Mary K. Long, PhD is Senior Instructor and Director of the International Spanish for the Professions major in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Her publications in this area focus on cross-cultural communication and cultural sustainability in the global setting as well as LSP program development. She has also published about the role of artists and writers in the nation-building projects of 20th- and 21st-century Mexico and is co-editor of the volume Mexico Reading the United States (Vanderbilt UP, 2009), which explores the dialogue between the two countries from the Mexican point of view. Sheri Spaine Long, PhD is Professor of Spanish at the University of Alabama at Birmingham and is serving as Distinguished Visiting Professor at the US Air Force Academy (2011–2013). At the US Air Force Academy, she is engaged in research focused on the integration of foreign languages and leadership development. From 2006–2009, Long served as Editor-in-Chief of Foreign Language Annals, the journal of the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACTFL). In 2010, she began serving as Editor of the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese's (AATSP) Hispania, where she is in her second term as Editor. Long's publications include eight coauthored college textbooks as well as over 40 scholarly articles, notes and reviews on literature, culture, and language education. Jesús López-Peláez Casellas, PhD is Professor of English and Comparative literatures at the Universidad de Jaén (Spain). Currently Research Project Manager, he coordinates an international team of scholars studying the construction of English early modern identities. He has published internationally on early modern English and Spanish literature, popular culture, Joyce, and comparative literature, and he has been visiting fellow at Michigan State University, Arizona State University, and Penn State University, and at the Folger Shakespeare Library. Between 1999 and 2006 he was Vice-rector for International Relations at his university. He is a Corresponding Member of the North American Academy of the Spanish Language (ANLE). Gilles Lubeth, MA is a native of Guadeloupe and a graduate from the Université Antilles-Guyane (UAG). He worked at The University of the West Indies, Mona as Assistant Lecturer from 2005–2010 where he taught French language from beginners to advanced level. At the advanced level, he taught the Translation into French module and French for International Conferences. He was the advisor for exchange students going to the UAG and International Relations students participating in the joint-degree program with University of Bordeaux IV-IEP/UWI/UAG. He is currently based in New York. Clara Mojica-Díaz, PhD is Professor of Spanish at Tennessee State University. She has taught elementary through advanced Spanish, foreign language teaching methods, culture and civilization, and studies in linguistics. She has presented papers on discourse analysis, cultural vi Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) issues, second language acquisition, and language teaching at national and international conferences. She is co-author of the Pueblos Activities Manual (Cengage) and various professional articles. Marie-José Nzengou-Tayo, PhD is Associate Professor of French at The University of the West Indies, Mona and the former Chair of the Department of Modern Languages and Literatures (2005–2011). She is specialized in the Teaching of French as a Foreign Language and a researcher in the literature and culture of the French-speaking Caribbean. In 2004, she received the French order of the Palmes académiques (Chevalier). She is a past President of the Haitian Studies Association (2005–2006), and the recipient of the 2013 Principal's Award for Research for her article ―The Haitian Short-Story: An Overview‖ (Journal of Caribbean Literatures, 6[3]). Malinda Blair O'Leary, PhD is Assistant Professor of Spanish. At UAB, Dr. O'Leary teaches introductory, intermediate and advanced courses on Spanish language and cultures as well as Spanish for the professions and business. In addition to teaching, Dr. O'Leary serves as the foreign language student teacher supervisor in the UAB School of Education. Susan Olmstead-Wang, PhD an applied linguist, focuses on teaching English as an International Language and developing curriculum for English for Specific Purposes at the School of Education, University of Alabama, Birmingham. She is also adjunct instructor at the Paul J. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC, where she teaches advanced graduate writing. Research interests include Mandarin-English code-switching and English for Medical Purposes especially in Chinese-speaking environments. Rebekah Ranew Trinh, MA is the Director of the English Language Institute at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, where she is responsible for development and oversight of the Intensive English Program and English for occupational purposes programs, advocacy for issues related to second language learners at the university, and management of ESOL teachers. She holds an MA-TESOL from the University of Alabama. Lourdes Sánchez-López, PhD is Associate Professor of Spanish and founding director of the Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate program at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. She directed the First International Symposium on Languages for Specific Purposes (UAB, 2012). Her scholarship/teaching areas include: Spanish for specific purposes; second language acquisition; applied linguistics; cultural studies and foreign language pedagogy. She is co-author of a Spanish intermediate textbook and student activity manual and has published articles in various scholarly national and international journals. She is the editor of Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013). Susan Seay, PhD is Assistant Professor in the School of Education, Department of Curriculum and Instruction, at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. Her main research interests are reading instruction and English as a Second Language. She has been a classroom teacher, a reading program director, an ESL Resource teacher, and a family literacy teacher, and she has been involved in the field of education for over 25 years. vii Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) Kristi L. Shaw-Saleh, PhD is Assistant Professor in the Master's Program for Teaching English as a Second Language at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. Her current research interests include identity, gender, and hybridity among distinct immigrant populations in Alabama in an effort to develop best practices for teaching English to these diverse groups of adult language learners. She is especially interested in the effectiveness of interactive teaching strategies and in addressing the need to identify and meet the goals of adult English language learners through job clinics and community-based programs. Susan Spezzini, PhD is Associate Professor of English Language Learner Education in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction at the School of Education, University of Alabama at Birmingham. She is also program director of Secondary Education and the principal investigator on two federal grants for training classroom teachers in the effective instruction of English learners. Her main research interest is promoting the scholarship of teaching and learning through collaborative mentoring, visual analogies, and oral interactive techniques. Before coming to UAB, Dr. Spezzini had been a teacher educator in Paraguay for over 20 years. Lamia Ben Youssef Zayzafoon, PhD is Assistant Professor in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. She holds a BA in English from L'École Normale Supérieure of Sousse in Tunisia and an MA and a PhD in English from Michigan State University. Her areas of specialization are post-coloniality, feminist theory and African literature with a specific emphasis on the Maghreb. Her current research projects are: the Holocaust in North African Literature and Tunisian women during WWII. She is author of The Production of the Muslim Woman: Negotiating Text, History and Ideology (Lexington Press, 2005). viii Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) INTRODUCTION, ACKNOWLEDGMENTS, AND DEDICATION ix Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) Introduction Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes is a collection of select peer-reviewed scholarly articles developed from concepts and positions presented and generated at the First International Symposium on Languages for Specific Purposes (ISLSP) celebrated on April 13–14, 2012 at the University of Alabama at Birmingham (United States). The symposium gathered 31 speakers and over 80 participants from all over the nation and other parts of the world. Each speaker brought a unique perspective of Languages for Specific Purposes (LSP), which was essential to pave the way to enlightening, fruitful and engaging discussions throughout the 2–day symposium. The keynote address was given by Business Language Studies and Translation Studies renowned scholar Dr. Michael S. Doyle (Theory and Method in Translation Studies (TS) and Business Language Studies (BLS): Illustrative Considerations for LSP in American Higher Education and Beyond). He accurately approached the need for a stronger research agenda in LSP studies (particularly in non-English LSP) while strengthening pedagogies and resources. Because of the discussions that occurred during and after the symposium, participants concluded the first ISLSP may have prepared a solid ground for something larger, collaborative and long-lasting, with strong national and international repercussions. To contextualize the current state of LSP it is helpful to briefly examine its history. The teaching of LSP originated in the 1960s in the United Kingdom and was established as a discipline as English for Specific Purposes (ESP). A landmark publication, The Linguistic Sciences and Language Teaching (Halliday, McIntosh & Strevens, 1964), called for linguists to carry out research based on samples of language in specific contexts to develop appropriate pedagogical materials. Moreover, the focus of the teaching of LSP has as its primary goal to fulfill the communicative needs of a specific group of people (Hutchinson & Waters, 1987). Since the 1960s, slow but steady global attention has been given to LSP in both research and the development of pedagogical materials for the classroom for the professions, such as medicine, law, sciences, social work, business, translation and interpretation, among others. However, the specificity of these types of programs does not root in the teaching of a specific language, neither it is determined by the specific professional context. The specificity of LSP depends largely on the students themselves. Courses vary depending on the students taking them, that is, a needs assessment analysis prior to the course development is paramount. Generally, these courses were—and today still are—geared towards adult learners (both traditional or regular/degree seeking and non-traditional or non-regular/non-degree seeking learners) preferably with a basic language background, who clearly necessitate the language in specific professional or academic contexts. Courses are usually developed according to: 1) the student level of communicative competence, 2) the urgency to use the language in a professional context, 3) the specific characteristics of such context, and 4) the design of a program that promotes the learning process (Hutchinson & Waters, 1987). For all these reasons, LSP represents the teaching of languages according to learners' characteristics, and its teaching is closely determined by these elements. Typically, the offering of LSP programs is mostly limited to adult or college students for two reasons: 1) the students must have a basic general target language background, and 2) the university system allows for more flexibility or experimentation in course offerings than elementary and secondary education (Almagro, 1997). Therefore, LSP is not considered a discipline separate from the teaching and learning of languages for general purposes, but x Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) rather, it is as an extension (Sánchez-López, 2006). Most researchers agree that LSP pedagogy has been consistently learner-centered, long before the term became main-streamed in pedagogy. By definition, LSP ―attempts to give learners access to the language they want and need to accomplish their own academic or occupational goals.‖ (Belcher, 2004, p. 166) Overall, LSP has a number of weaknesses in terms of institutional recognition and teacher training (Swales, 2000). There are still few professorial positions worldwide in LSP. The majority of the instruction is delivered by adjunct instructors. However, this situation is slowly changing, and, most likely, will continue to change, as the demand for languages for the professions increases in light of recent data (―Foreign Languages and Higher Education: New Structures for a Changed World,‖ 2007; ―Report to the Teagle Foundation on the Undergraduate Major in Language and Literature,‖ 2009). Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes is divided into five sections. In the first section, On LSP Theoretical Models, Michael S. Doyle expands on his previous work of constructing a theoretical framework in Translation Studies (TS) and Business Language Studies (BLS). He calls for the development of non-English LSP theory development working groups to further develop theoretical cartographies and narratives, which the gathering era of global LSP will require in American higher education. He urges non-English LSP scholars and educators to expand on their work in theory and methodology to devise a general non-English Language for Specific Purposes theoretical model, essential to the maturation of the field. The second section, On the Current State of LSP, Mary K. Long presents findings on a recent study of the LSP job announcements posted in the MLA Foreign Language Job Information List. Her study seeks to find answers to the new state of the foreign language profession in light of above mentioned MLA report ―Foreign Languages and Higher Education: New Structures for a Changed World‖ (2007), which recommended that the language disciplines decenter away from literature and design programs that are more directly related to everyday life and applied contexts. Long's article sheds new light on foreign language professions by presenting a multiyear analysis of LSP MLA job announcements. The third section, On LSP Programs and Practices, includes four chapters, each depicting an LSP program or curriculum currently offered in higher education. Carmen King de Ramírez and Barbara Lafford provide an overview of the Spanish for the Professions minor/certificate (SPMC) program at Arizona State University (ASU) and discuss student-learning outcomes. Leticia Barajas's study investigates whether the field of LSP has been influential in conceptualizing the design of the college-level Spanish curriculum in her region of Kentucky, Indiana and Ohio. Her findings shed light on the principal factors that affect the development of Spanish for Specific Purposes in the overall Spanish curriculum. Lourdes Sánchez-López describes the history, design, implementation and outcomes of the Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate (SSPC) program at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. The goal of the SSPC is to fulfill the needs of its dynamic millennial students and of the increasingly diversified community. In the last chapter of this section, Marie-José Nzengou-Tayo and Gilles Lubeth present a general overview of the LSP context in the Caribbean region—as well as recent additions to the French for Specific Purposes courses offered at the University of The West Indies, Mona—the methodological choices made, and their implication for assessment. Section four, On the Unexpected LSP Participant, explores two different cases of unexpected LSP participants. Sheri Spaine Long chronicles her transition from professor of xi Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) Spanish for general purposes (SGP) at the University of Alabama at Birmingham to professor of Spanish for Specific Purposes (SSP, with a military emphasis) at the United States Air Force Academy. Her reflection documents two transitions that mirror current curricular changes in undergraduate language programs in the United States. She urges foreign language educators to find common ground between SSP and SGP as they design hybrid programs to respond to multiple demands of today's Spanish learners. Susan Spezzini, Lisa A. La Cross and Julia S. Austin explore how a Language for Specific Purposes focus in a presentation skills course helped a doctoral student from a disadvantaged urban background shift from modified African-American Vernacular English to Academic English when giving course presentations. Their study suggests establishing an LSP focus when teaching, assessing, and researching speakers of social varieties who are learning to use an oral academic variety in a professional context. Finally, section five, On Methodology, presents three different methodological aspects of LSP. Yahui Anita Huang discusses issues in teaching Chinese to American college students for professional purposes while focusing on building students' pragmatic competence. Using the multivalent buhaoyisi as an example, Huang argues that in order to use and understand the language appropriately in a business context, pragmatic classroom-based methodology must be woven into the curriculum. Susan Seay, Susan Spezzini and Julia S. Austin propose Peer-to-peer, Oral Techniques (IPOTs) as a methodological tool to help learners understand and use language specific to a certain field or occupation. In their article, these authors describe several IPOTs that can help instructors implement effective strategies to promote interaction in the LSP classroom. And finally, Kristi Shaw-Saleh, Susan Olmstead-Wang, Helen Dolive and Kent D. Hamilton explore how a job search clinic for international scholars and students was conceptualized and implemented at their university. The goal was to help international students in negotiating a job search process in the context of the United States. Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes intends be an important contribution to the LSP field. It is our wish to follow the path of previous, well-respected collections in the disciple (Lafford, 2012; Long, 2010). Collaboration, integration and unity are key elements for the success of our growing field. If this volume helps generate debate, thoughts, new ideas and fresh energy in the LSP profession, it will have achieved its purpose. Lourdes Sánchez-López Editor xii Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) References Almagro, A. (1997). La relación entre el inglés para fines específicos y su proceso instructivo en la etapa de estudios universitarios. The Grove: Working Papers on English Studies, 4, 39–52. Belcher, D. (2004). Trends in teaching English for specific purposes. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 24, 165–186. Doyle, Michael S. (2012). Theory and method in Translation Studies (TS) and Business Language Studies (BLS): Illustrative considerations for LSP in American higher education and beyond. Keynote address given at the First International Symposium on Languages for Specific Purposes (April 13–14, University of Alabama at Birmingham). First International Symposium on Languages for Specific Purposes. Retrieved from http://www.uab.edu/languages/symposium Foreign languages and higher education: New structures for a changed world. (2007) MLA ad hoc committee on foreign languages. Profession published by the Modern Language Association. (May). Retrieved from http://www.mla.org/flreport Halliday, M., McIntosh, A. & Strevens P. O. (1964). The linguistic sciences and language teaching. London: Longman. Hutchinson, T. & Waters, A. (1987). English for Specific Purposes: A learning centered approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lafford, B., ed. (2012). Languages for specific purposes in the United States in a global context: Update on Grosse and Voght (1991) [Special Issue]. The Modern Language Journal, 96, 1–226. Long, S. S., ed. (2010). Curricular changes for Spanish and Portuguese in a new era. Hispania, 93(1), 66–143. Report to the Teagle Foundation on the Undergraduate Major in Language and Literature. (2009). MLA ad hoc committee on foreign languages. Profession published by the Modern Language Association (February). Retrieved from http://www.mla.org/pdf/2008_mla_whitepaper.pdf Sánchez-López, L. (2006). ―La implementación de nuevos programas de español para fines específicos en la universidad estadounidense‖. Revista ALDEEU (Asociación de Licenciados y Doctores en Estados Unidos), 11, University of Jaén Publications. Swales, J. M. (2000). Languages for Specific Purposes. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 20, 59–76. Acknowledgments First, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to all the colleagues who participated in the First International Symposium on Languages for Specific Purposes and who contributed to its success. I am deeply grateful to the UAB Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures, and to the following individuals for their critical role in the planning and implementation of the symposium: Sheri Spaine Long, John K. Moore, Brock Cochran, Malinda O'Leary, Yahui Anita Huang, Rebekah Ranew Trinh, Susan Spezzini, Mike Perez, Niki Cochran and Karl McClure. I am also indebted to the symposium sponsors: UAB xiii Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures, College of Arts and Sciences; UAB Office for Research and Economic Development; UAB School of Medicine; Cengage Learning; and Pearson. I would also like to thank the colleagues who conducted the peer anonymous reviews of the proposals and to the colleagues who served as session chairs. Last but not least, I will always be indebted to Michael S. Doyle for promptly accepting my invitation to give the keynote address and for honoring us with his presence, expertise and leadership. I have no doubt that he was the perfect keynote speaker for the inaugural ISLSP. I am profoundly grateful to the Editorial Board of Scholarship and Learning on Languages for Specific Purposes who served as anonymous readers and offered invaluable feedback: Julia S. Austin, William C. Carter, Alicia Cipria, Jesús López-Peláez Casellas, Clara Mojica Díaz, Malinda Blair O'Leary, Sheri Spaine Long, Susan Spezzini, Rebekah Ranew Trinh, and Lamia Ben Youssef Zayzafoon. I would like to offer my sincere appreciation to Jennifer Brady for her exceptional and upmost professional work as production manager of this anthology. I would like to thank the UAB Mervyn H. Sterne Library for publishing this volume and to Heather Martin, who facilitated the process. And finally, I am most appreciative of my family, who is the source of my energy and motivation every day. Dedication This book is dedicated to all Languages for Specific Purposes educators and researchers around the world. xiv Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013)

This chapter uses the First International Symposium on Language for Specific Purposes (LSP) keynote address titled "Theory and Method in Translation Studies (TS) and Business Language Studies (BLS): Illustrative Considerations for LSP in American Higher Education and Beyond" as a springboard to continue the theoretical BLS cartography initiated in "Business Language Studies in the United States: On Nomenclature, Context, Theory, and Method." It does so with a triple purpose: (1) to begin to fill in what was omitted from the original BLS mapping, (2) to extend the nomenclature proposal and disciplinary coverage, as manifested within a general theoretical framework, beyond that of the initial BLS content domain, and (3) to encourage the formation of post-UAB symposium LSP Theory Development Working Groups to further develop the theoretical cartographies and narratives, which the gathering era of global LSP will require in American higher education. The overarching goal is to encourage collaboration to devise a useful, informative, and adaptable general Non-English Language for Specific Purposes (NE-LSP) theoretical model that accounts for (1) what is already being done while (2) serving as a catalyst and predictor for future NE-LSP developments. It is not at all far-fetched to say in 2012 that US foreign language programs, departments, and institutions that do not embrace non-English LSP will be on the wrong side of curricular and pedagogical history in secondary and higher education as we go deeper into the LSP era of the 21st century. This affirmation presupposes the basic and applied research-intrinsic and extrinsic-that underlies, informs, and is derived from how NE-LSP is used or intended to be used, a general theory of which will more firmly anchor LSP in higher education as a crucial field of scholarly inquiry. ; To cite the digital version, add its Reference URL (found by following the link in the header above the digital file). ; CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 2 Continuing Theoretical Cartography in the Language for Specific Purposes Era Michael S. Doyle University of North Carolina at Charlotte Abstract: This chapter uses the First International Symposium on Language for Specific Purposes (LSP) keynote address titled "Theory and Method in Translation Studies (TS) and Business Language Studies (BLS): Illustrative Considerations for LSP in American Higher Education and Beyond" as a springboard to continue the theoretical BLS cartography initiated in "Business Language Studies in the United States: On Nomenclature, Context, Theory, and Method." It does so with a triple purpose: (1) to begin to fill in what was omitted from the original BLS mapping, (2) to extend the nomenclature proposal and disciplinary coverage, as manifested within a general theoretical framework, beyond that of the initial BLS content domain, and (3) to encourage the formation of post-UAB symposium LSP Theory Development Working Groups to further develop the theoretical cartographies and narratives, which the gathering era of global LSP will require in American higher education. The overarching goal is to encourage collaboration to devise a useful, informative, and adaptable general Non-English Language for Specific Purposes (NE-LSP) theoretical model that accounts for (1) what is already being done while (2) serving as a catalyst and predictor for future NE-LSP developments. It is not at all far-fetched to say in 2012 that US foreign language programs, departments, and institutions that do not embrace non-English LSP will be on the wrong side of curricular and pedagogical history in secondary and higher education as we go deeper into the LSP era of the 21st century. This affirmation presupposes the basic and applied research—intrinsic and extrinsic—that underlies, informs, and is derived from how NE-LSP is used or intended to be used, a general theory of which will more firmly anchor LSP in higher education as a crucial field of scholarly inquiry. Keywords: Business Language Studies (BLS), BLS cartography, Language for Specific Purposes (LSP), method, nomenclature, theory (intrinsic and extrinsic), theory development working groups Introduction A prolegomenal theory of non-English Business Language Studies (NE-BLS) has been outlined in "Business Language Studies in the United States: On Nomenclature, Context, Theory, and Method," in which an initial mapping provided a general theoretical overview of the BLS interdisciplinary topography that requires further exploration and ongoing development in order "to anchor the field more adequately in American higher education" (Doyle, 2012a, p. 105). At the groundbreaking First International Symposium on Language for Specific Purposes (LSP), hosted by the University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB) on April 13–14, 2012,1 a reminder was issued that pressing aspects of this preliminary cartography include its momentary omissions and blind spots in regards to other discourse domains and related features that remain to be adequately addressed within a general theory of LSP and NE-LSP, which itself must become more fully developed. This provisionality is similar to the future-oriented reminder in Alvord CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 3 Branan's (1998) "Preface: Part I" in the paradigmatic volume sponsored by the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese (AATSP), Spanish and Portuguese for Business and the Professions, when, scaffolding his forecast on the pioneering work of Grosse (1985) and Grosse and Voght (1990), he predicted that the development of the yet-to-be-named BLS2 "movement will spread, as it has already begun to do, to all the professions: medical and health care, social work, law, science, and technology" (p. 5). Branan's prediction has recently been corroborated in "Evolution of Languages for Specific Programs in the United States: 1990–2011" by Long and Uscinski (2012), whose most recent findings, an update of Grosse and Voght (1990), show that "the sophistication and variety of [LSP] offerings have become deeper and more focused in response to broader needs" (p. 173), and that, while "business language [BL] courses remain the most common type of LSP courses," non-English "LSP courses are now more widely distributed across different professions" and languages (175–176). They confirm that LSP is now "solidly established as another curricular option, beside literature, cultural studies, and linguistics, in institutions where students demand it" (173).3 Indeed, within NE-LSP-BL, Spanish for business and international trade, for example, "has evolved from curricular margin to mainstay" and "has moved from being an occasional, boutique or exotic course offering to a new status as an established, regular, and even core SSP [Spanish for Specific Purposes] feature in many Spanish programs today" (Doyle, forthcoming). Within this general NE-LSP context in American higher education, this follow-up article uses the UAB First International Symposium keynote address titled "Theory and Method in Translation Studies (TS) and Business Language Studies (BLS): Illustrative Considerations for LSP in American Higher Education and Beyond"4 as a springboard to continue the provisional theoretical BLS cartography initiated in Doyle's (2012a) "Business Language Studies in the United States" with a triple purpose in mind: (1) to begin to fill in what was omitted from the original BLS mapping, (2) to extend the nomenclature proposal and disciplinary coverage, as manifested within a general theoretical framework, beyond that of the initial BLS content domain, and (3) to encourage the formation of post-UAB symposium LSP Theory Development Working Groups to further develop the theoretical cartographies and narratives that the gathering era of global LSP will require in American higher education. The mapping remains provisional and awaits ongoing refinement by content- and situation-based instruction NE-LSP specialists in "more complex sites of engagement" (to adapt Bowles's phrase) of the various subject matter domains themselves (Bowles 2012, p. 48). Taking BLS theory as a starting point, this article proposes that the original cartography of this particular LSP subdiscipline, itself based on LSP-Translation (Doyle, 2012a, p. 105), be extended to include mappings of other prominent NE-LSP domains in the United States, such as LSP-Medical and Health Care, LSP-Education, LSP-Legal (Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice), LSP-Engineering, LSP-Science, LSP-Technology, and LSP-Agriculture, among others that may currently exist or be in various developmental or anticipatory stages. As the theoretical cartography broadens to cover an array of LSP domains, a distinct and desirable possibility is that eventually, taken together, the domain mappings, developed and regulated by specialists in the various subdisciplinary regions, can serve as the aggregate basis from which to extract, extrapolate, and confirm a more general map for NE-LSP itself as it undergoes its fuller maturation process within American higher CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 4 education. This maturation will surely continue,5 as all language usage can be defined as LSP one way or another, either narrowly (e.g., for specific disciplines, professions, or communicative work situations) or more broadly and less traditionally (e.g., LSP-Literature; i.e., the specific use of language for literary studies and criticism, or even the supposedly more general LSP of being able to engage in tourism or to socialize and "hang out" informally in a language, which in itself undoubtedly constitutes a specific cultural, ethnographic, pragmatic, and sociodialectal use of language). Any university program of study, for example, may be considered as a cognate specialization in the LSP of that particular content domain (e.g., to major or specialize in business, medicine, law, engineering, education, psychology, or philosophy is to engage in mastering the specific languages and discourses of those fields). It is anticipated that a belated, general (and perhaps generally accepted) theory may emerge from a distillation of the sum of its LSP domain parts. Both intellectual and pedagogical outcomes promise a more rigorous and thicker articulation of a general NE-LSP intrinsic theory that draws from and renourishes extrinsic, applied theory. In this manner, pedagogy and praxis become overtly theory based by definition and methodological DNA—that is what they are in essence6—in their responsiveness to the need for continuous development as LSP domains evolve to meet the demands of society. Bowles (2012) reminds us that a key challenge to research informing pedagogy and praxis (and, it is understood, reciprocally and symbiotically to pedagogy and praxis informing theory-based research: see Figure 1) —in sum, to intrinsic and basic research that extend themselves into extrinsic and applied LSP— resides in the fact that LSP practitioners must resolve issues of translating the increase in LSP "analytical insights and research data into instructable materials" (p. 44). Theoretical considerations are crucial to LSP because they more firmly anchor this recently emerging field of scholarly inquiry and pedagogical methodology in higher education, a locus characterized by the ongoing development, analysis, and refinement of core theory and method. Figure 1. LSP theory informs pedagogy and praxis, and LSP pedagogy and praxis inform theory, as well as each other. Continuing the Provisional Theoretical Cartography of LSP-BLS The definition offered previously for the NE-LSP subfield of BLS is that it is "a major empirical sub-discipline of LSP whose objective is to examine and predict how languages are, may, or should be used to conduct business in various communicative situations and cultural contexts" (Doyle, 2012a, p. 109). This core definition encompasses the crucial ethnographic and multimethod considerations identified by Bowles (2012) "as a way of narrowing the product/process gap" (i.e., the LSP researcher "who views discourse as a CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 5 product" vs. the practicioner/user for whom such discourse "is an ongoing process") (p. 52). The prolegomenal mapping of BLS's theoretical terrain, as BLS has been and is currently being developed in the United States, can now be continued. In Figure 2, the original Provisional Map of Business Language Studies (Doyle, 2012a, Figure 2, p. 111) is revisited, now within a general NE-LSP paradigm, with a dividing line heuristically separating intrinsic and extrinsic theory, although these nourish each other and together they feed into a general theory of BLS. This separation will allow for additional cartographic detail, which appeared originally only in the narrative for the "Descriptive Theory" and "Provisional or Partial Theory" regions of the map (Doyle, 2012a, p. 110), to be provided for each theoretical side. That is, the earlier core description, which now needs to become more granular and thicker both in terms of narrative and cartographic representation, is included in Figures 3 and 4. Figure 2. Provisional Map of Business Language Studies (LSP-BLS) within a general NE-LSP-XYZ theoretical paradigm and with heuristic dividing line between intrinsic and extrinsic theory. (XYZ = any given LSP content domain) (Doyle, 2012a, p. 111). Figure 3, which addresses the pure or intrinsic theory aspect of BLS, now incorporates graphically the core explanation of (1) the descriptive theory considerations identified in the earlier narrative as product, function, or process oriented, and (2) the provisional or partial general theory considerations identified in the same earlier narrative as medium-, area-, rank-, discourse type-, time-, and problem-restricted elements (Doyle, 2012a, p. 110). CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 6 Figure 3. Provisional Map of Business Language Studies with core explanations of descriptive theory and general theory (provisional) (Doyle, 2012a, p. 112). Figure 4, which addresses the applied or extrinsic theory aspect of BLS, now incorporates and further develops the formerly separate graphic depicting methods and methodology in business language (BL) pedagogy as well as sources of information and research for other applied theory considerations, such as course and curriculum development, assessment of learner outcomes, faculty training, and BLS policy. Applied theory represents the area of BLS where most of the theory-based research to date has taken place (Doyle, 2012a, pp. 105, 111). With this, an ongoing theoretical mapping of NE-BLS in the United States continues to fill in what was not covered or dealt with earlier in as integrative a manner. The goal of providing a useful, general BLS theoretical cartography can benefit only from the forthcoming insights of additional researchers who are interested in contributing to the overall BLS objective: "to examine and predict how languages are, may, or should be used to conduct business in various communicative situations and cultural contexts" (Doyle, 2012a, p. 109). Such a collective benefit is also potentially the case as the NE-LSP theoretical mapping project extends its disciplinary coverage in the US beyond that of the point-of-departure focus on the BLS content domain. CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 7 Figure 4. Provisional Map of Business Language Studies including BL methods and methodology as well as other applied theory considerations. Extending Nomenclature and Provisional Theoretical Cartography from BLS to Other NE-LSP Domains The nomenclature Business Language Studies (BLS) has been proposed as a "more serviceable and academically communal name—a more rigorous toponymic identity—by which to identify itself as a theory-based field of scholarship" within LSP (Doyle, 2012a, p. 105). This has been done because, for academic and political reasons in higher education, nomenclature "encapsulates and stimulates further articulation and validation of the intellectual foundations—theory, method, and methodology—upon which a discipline or subdiscipline builds itself through a pragmatic and constructivist (shared and learner-centered) epistemology" (Doyle, 2012a, p. 106). Furthermore, nomenclature "identifies a scholarly forum in which to explore further and refine underlying intellectual assumptions (metareflection) as well as principles (derived from fundamental, basic, pure, or intrinsic research) that inform and upon which pedagogy and praxis (applied or extrinsic research) may subsequently be based" (Doyle, 2012a, p. 106). BLS may prove useful as a model for more broadly theorizing NE-LSP, such that the "studies" nomenclature may be applied productively to other content domains, which addresses the critical intercultural communication needs of our representative professional schools in the United States via a movement from Business Language Studies (NE-BLS) to, for example, Medical and Health Care Language Studies (NE-MHCLS), Legal Language Studies (NE-LLS), Education Language Studies (NE-EDLS: e.g., the rising importance of using Spanish, Vietnamese, Chinese, etc., administratively and pedagogically in K–16 settings), CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 8 Engineering Language Studies (NE-EGLS), Scientific Language Studies ( NE-SCLS), Technical Language Studies ( NE-TLS), and Agriculture Language Studies ( NE-AGLS), among others. The point is that NE-LSP domains such as these constitute essential areas for effective cross-cultural communication in today's global economy, in which the vast majority of the world does not do its daily living and work in English, and in the increasingly multicultural and multilingual US itself. The word "studies," a rubric broadly adopted in US higher education for interdisciplinary areas of investigation and pedagogy, seems custom-made for LSP and its XYZ content domains. As Lafford (2012) elaborates, "studies" indicates "a field that calls on the expertise of many disciplines for its realization" (p. 6). The definition of BLS, which represents an example of any NE-LSP domain (XYZ), may be extended and adapted to serve as a suitable vehicle for other NE-LSP domains such as those listed above. Figure 5 demonstrates the slight adjustments required initially, but always in need of ongoing (and definitive) regulation and refinement by specialists within the respective content domains. As seen previously, the NE-LSP subfield of BLS is "a major empirical sub-discipline of LSP whose objective is to examine and predict how languages are, may, or should be used to conduct business in various communicative situations and cultural contexts." Definitional adaptations would replace the phrasing "to conduct business" with wording apposite to each NE-LSP-XYZ discourse domain, as in "for medical, health care, and nursing purposes," "for legal and criminal justice purposes," or "for engineering purposes." Figure 5 provides a definitional template that may be useful for the NE-LSP nomenclature and theory agenda. Figure 5. Prolegomenal, definitional template for various (XYZ) NE-LSP studies (S) domains. Within the LSP mapping of a general theory of NE-LSP-XYZ (XYZ = Medical, Legal, etc.), the Descriptive and Provisional content of the Pure Theory (Intrinsic) terrain presented for BLS in Figure 3 would need to be shifted to the different domains being considered, that is, from BLS to MHCLS, LLS, EDLS, EGLS, etc. For example, the business language (BL) in Pure Theory → Descriptive → Product Oriented in the wording "[d]escribes or compares diachronically and synchronically existing and past BL texts and scenarios" would be modified accordingly to any other XYZ content domain (e.g., MHCL, medical and health care language; LL, legal language; etc.) under consideration, as indicated in Figure 6: CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 9 Figure 6. Pure Theory → Descriptive → Product oriented adjustments for various (XYZ) NE-LSP studies (S) domains. Similar adaptations would be LSP domain-matched throughout as warranted for other descriptive paradigm components (e.g., Function Oriented, Process Oriented, as well as in the Provisional cartography sections of Medium-Restricted, Area-Restricted, etc.). A corresponding LSP-XYZ adaptation would apply as well to other components of the theoretical modeling, as in the case of the Applied Theory → Pedagogy → Methods/Methodology consideration. Figure 7 anticipates what this particular adaptation might look like initially, with the expectation that LSP domain specialists will refine and regulate the mapping. Figure 7. Applied Theory → Pedagogy → Methods/Methodology adjustments for various (XYZ) NE-LSP studies (S) domains. The overarching goal is to collaboratively devise a useful, informative, and adaptable general NE-LSP theoretical model that accounts for (1) what is already being done (e.g., initially in NE-LSP-BLS) while (2) serving as a catalyst and predictor for future NE-LSP developments. A goal is also to more solidly secure the NE-LSP field theoretically in US higher education, an anchoring project that remains a continuing priority (Doyle, 2012A; Fryer, 2012; Lafford, 2012). CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 10 The Potential of Post-UAB Symposium LSP Theory Development Working Groups and Beyond The third purpose of this article is to propose for consideration the opportune formation of post-UAB First International Symposium theory development working groups to collaborate on the further development of the theoretical cartographies and narratives that the gathering era of global LSP—a new curricular and research status quo—will require in US higher education and beyond. The synergetic work of these LSP Theory Development Working Groups (TDWG), at (although not restricted to) future UAB-initiated symposia on Language for Specific Purposes, with a near-term focus on shoring up pure and intrinsic LSP theory, will cooperate with the more developed and ongoing research in applied theory, new directions for which can also be proposed and pursued by the symbiotic TDWGs (in intrinsic and extrinsic theory). Ideally, the TDWGs would complement the parallel creation of additional symbiotic working groups, such as an LSP Content Development Working Group (CDWG) and an LSP Methodology Development Working Group (MDWG), among others that might be identified as essential to a better understanding and advancement of LSP. The UAB-initiated theory, content, and methodology working groups could also meet to pursue and share their ongoing research and development at other professional meetings, such as the annual conference of the federally-funded Centers of International Business Education and Research (CIBERs), annual gatherings of the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACTFL), the AATs (American Associations of Teachers of French, German, and Spanish and Portuguese), the Chinese Language Teachers Association (CLTA), the Modern Language Association of America (MLA), and the American Association for Applied Linguistics (AAAL), among others, as well as extending their efforts internationally in a global LSP dialogue and collaboration that should be pursued more vigorously and purposefully than ever before. The formation of such LSP working groups in core developmental areas—theory, content, and methodology—represents a consequential opportunity for UAB to extend its LSP leadership beyond the groundbreaking First International Symposium. As Symposium Director Lourdes Sánchez-López (2012) has written in her colloquium epilogue, "Because of the discussions that took place during and after the symposium, we believe that we may have prepared a solid ground for something larger, collaborative and long-lasting with strong national and international repercussions" and "[c]ollaboration, integration and unity are key elements for the success of our growing field" (no pagination). The UAB Symposium could serve as a prelude to an International Year of LSP, to be coordinated globally among scholars and to herald a concerted and sustained International Decade of LSP. This would serve to galvanize an integrative, long-term commitment to LSP development during which "the field of LSP can truly 'come of age'" (Lafford, 2012, p. 22). In this promising context, the UAB Symposium may even help trigger the creation of an American Association of Languages for Specific Purposes (AALSP), along the lines of the European Association of Languages for Specific Purposes,7 or even a more global International Association of Languages for Specific Purposes (IALSP). In any event, as a result of ongoing interest forums, such as the UAB Symposium, future surveys of the "Evolution of Languages for Specific Programs in the United States" will have the greatest potential ever to confirm LSP as a curricular status quo and mainstay. CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 11 Conclusion In 2012, it is not at all far-fetched to say that US foreign language programs, departments, and institutions that do not embrace non-English LSP will be on the wrong side of curricular and pedagogical history in secondary and higher education as we advance further into the LSP era of the 21st century. This affirmation presupposes the basic and applied research (intrinsic and extrinsic) that underlies, informs, and is derived from how NE-LSP is used or intended to be used. Ongoing fruitful work in theory and method, which should contribute to improved curricula, pedagogy, and teaching materials, must be pursued as essential to the maturation of the field. Notes 1 The conference theme was "Scholarship of Teaching and Learning" and featured inter-national presenters in a broad array of LSP sessions (see http://www.uab.edu/languages/symposium). Conference Director, Lourdes Sánchez-López, and the Organizing Committee (Brock Cochran, Malinda Blaire O'Leary, Yahui Anita Huang, John Moore, Sheri Spaine Long, Susan Spezzini, Rebekah Ranew Trinh, and Mike Perez) are to be commended for planning and hosting the informative event. 2 Doyle addresses the issue of LSP-BLS title and taxonomy twelve years later, in 2012, in "Business Language Studies in the United States: On Nomenclature, Context, Theory, and Method." 3 See "Table I: Types of Languages in the United States Currently Offered Across Languages and Professions During the 2010–2011 Academic Year" (Long and Uscinski, 2012, p. 176). The Grosse and Voght (1990) survey showed that LSP was already well-established in the national curriculum and pedagogy at "all sizes and types of four-year institutions. . .at private and public institutions. . .fairly evenly distributed among small, medium and large institutions" (p. 38). 4 Delivered by Doyle on April 14, 2012, the keynote address focused on two theoretical considerations: (1) that those engaged with LSP-Translation, especially its pedagogy, be "good utopians" who are well grounded in the extensive bibliography on translation theory (descriptive, prescriptive and speculative) and method, and (2) that those engaged in LSP-Business Language Studies (BLS) further articulate and develop its intrinsic theoretical aspects in order to complement the extensive work already done in extrinsic and applied BLS, given that the development of methods and methodology has far outstripped theoretical considerations per se, the latter of which are now warranted to more adequately anchor the field in American higher education. These are bookend theoretical concerns in that the first, in the field of translation, deals with an abundance of theory, dating back several millennia, which should not be ignored when praxis and pedagogy occur; the second, in the field of BLS, considers the lack of articulated theory upon which praxis and pedagogy are based. 5 Regarding this maturation process, Lafford (1991) has written that "the field of (non-English) LSP in the United States needs to follow the lead of the fields of CALL [computer-assisted language learning], Translation Studies, and ESP/EAP [English for Specific Purposes/English for Academic Purposes] all over the globe in order to become recognized as a valuable subfield of applied linguistics and to take its rightful place in the CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 12 academy. At that point, the field of LSP can truly 'come of age' and Grosse and Voght's (1991) initial optimism over the position of LSP in the FL [foreign language] curriculum finally will be realized" (22). Long and Uscinski (2012) also conclude that the maturation is ongoing, as the Grosse and Voght "optimistic, almost euphoric hopes for the reenergizing and internationalization of the US education system (and LSP's role in that process) have yet to be fully realized" (188). Long and Uscinski "predict a continued steady presence ["maturation"] of LSP in university curricula for years to come" (188). 6 Doyle (2012a) reminds us that "methods and methodology, of course, presuppose a theory, regardless of whether it is fully developed and articulated" (108–109). 7 Created in 1992, it is an "association of European University professors specialised in languages for specific purposes" whose "objective is that of fostering and promoting both the research into and teaching of modern languages as regards their applications to science and technology" (http://www.aelfe.org/?l=en&s=origen). References Bowles, H. (2012). Analyzing languages for specific purposes. Modern Language Journal, 96, 43–58. Branan, A. G. (1998). Preface: Part I. In T. B. Fryer & G. Guntermann (Eds.), Spanish and Portuguese for business and the professions (pp. 3–5). Lincolnwood, IL: National Textbook Company. Doyle, M. (Forthcoming). Business Spanish in the United States: Evolution, methodology, and markets. In Cuadernos de Asociación de Licenciados y Doctores Españoles en EEUU (ALDEEU). Doyle, M. (2012a). Business language studies in the United States: On nomenclature, context, theory, and method. Modern Language Journal, 96, 105–121. Doyle, M. (2012b). Theoretical foundations for translation pedagogy: Descriptive, prescriptive, and speculative (in defense of the 'good utopian'). Association of Departments of Foreign Languages (ADFL) Bulletin, 42(1), 43–48. Doyle, M. (2012, April). Theory and method in translation studies (TS) and business language studies (BLS): Illustrative considerations for LSP in American higher education and beyond. Keynote address presented at the First International Symposium on Language for Specific Purposes, University of Alabama at Birmingham. European Association of Languages for Specific Purposes. Retrieved September 4, 2012, from http://www.aelfe.org/?l=en&s=origen. Fryer, B. (1998). Faculty training opportunities in language for international business. In B. Fryer & G. Guntermann (Eds.), Spanish and Portuguese for business and the professions (pp. 167–187). Lincolnwood, IL: National Textbook Company. Fryer, B. (2012). Languages for specific purposes business curriculum creation and implementation in the United States. Modern Language Journal, 96, 122–139. Fryer, B., & Guntermann, G. (1998). Spanish and Portuguese for business and the professions. Lincolnwood, IL: National Textbook Company. Grosse, C. (1985). A survey of foreign languages for business and the professions at US colleges and universities. Modern Language Journal, 69, 221–226. CONTINUING CARTOGRAPHY Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 13 Grosse, C. (2001a). Global managers' perceptions of cultural competence. Global Business Languages, 6, 25–39. Grosse, C. (2001b). Mexican managers' perceptions of cultural competence. Foreign Language Annals, 34, 334–340. Grosse, C., & Voght, G. (1990). Foreign language for business and the professions at US colleges and universities. Modern Language Journal, 74, 36–47. Grosse, C., & Voght, G. (1991). The evolution of languages for specific purposes in the United States. Modern Language Journal, 75, 181–195. Grosse, C., & Voght, G. (2012). The continuing evolution of languages for specific purposes. Modern Language Journal, 96, 190–202. Holmes, J. S. (2000). The name and nature of translation studies. In L. Venuti (Ed.), The translation studies reader (pp. 172–185). London: Routledge. Kelm, O. Orlando Kelm. Retrieved June 19, 2012, from http://orlandokelm.wordpress.com/ Lafford, B. (2012) Languages for specific purposes in the United States in a global context: Commentary on Grosse and Voght (1991) revisited [Special Issue]. Modern Language Journal, 96, 1–27. Long, M., & Uzcinski, I. (2012). Evolution of languages for specific purposes programs in the United States: 1990–2011. Modern Language Journal, 96, 173–189. Sánchez-López, L. First international symposium on languages for specific purposes (LSP). Retrieved June 23, 2012, from http://www.uab.edu/languages/symposium.

Il pesante condizionamento imposto allo studio della storia degli ultimi 20 anni del I secolo dal "revisionismo" d'età traianea ha per molto tempo reso assai difficoltoso comprendere gli equilibri e le dinamiche politiche che caratterizzarono il regno di Domiziano e quello di Nerva. Ancor oggi, molti pregiudizi permangono, e se la figura e l'operato dell'ultimo flavio sono parzialmente stati rivalutati da più di mezzo secolo di storiografia, resiste piuttosto tenacemente la vulgata di una sostanziale discontinuità politica tra il regno del figlio di Vespasiano e il principato di Nerva, spesso ancora interpretato nell'ottica piuttosto ideologica di un progresso verso il raggiungimento del virtuoso equilibrio tra imperatore e Senato, che si realizzerà pienamente sotto l'Optimus Princeps e i suoi successori. Il presente lavoro naturalmente cerca di porsi come ennesimo contributo alla demolizione di un'impostazione ormai clamorosamente sconfessata dai fatti. E' anzi proprio in ragione della manifesta continuità politica e amministrativa tra le due esperienze che ho voluto allargare il campo d'indagine relativo alla lotta per il potere in età domizianea anche al biennio di Nerva. Se quest'ultimo rappresenta l'occasione di emersione di conflitti e alleanze altrimenti difficilmente individuabili in una fase di cui R. Syme lamentava la pressoché assoluta inintelligibilità, allo stesso tempo tali fenomeni trovano le loro radici proprio in età flavia. Il medesimo processo osmotico si ravvisa nella stretta interrelazione tra gli esordi della dinastia fondata da Vespasiano e l'età neroniana. Dall'analisi di entrambe queste "propaggini" storiche emergono importanti informazioni sulla composizione di gruppi, e sull'estrazione di personaggi che animarono la politica imperiale per circa un trentennio, e che gettarono le basi per l'affermazione della dinastia antonina. A rischio di privilegiare un'ottica teleologica, va sottolineato che i principati di Domiziano e Nerva sono accomunati proprio dal fatto di aver costituito le fasi di incubazione e di emersione del network su cui si sarebbe retto il potere imperiale per più di un secolo. Come abbiamo visto, è probabile che l'evoluzione e l'estensione delle sue ramificazioni e della sua influenza abbiano determinato conseguenze importanti sull'andamento delle vicende politiche di quegli anni, e inciso in maniera spesso decisiva su alcuni passaggi chiave. La crisi dinastica che sembra caratterizzare l'intero corso del principato domizianeo, viene risolta in via definitiva solo con l'adozione di Traiano, a conclusione della reggenza di Nerva. Il personale politico che gestisce il brusco passaggio del settembre 96, è lo stesso che poco più di un anno dopo vedrà nell'adozione del consolare di Italica il coronamento dei propri sforzi. Non è escluso, poi, che dietro ai due rapidi avvicendamenti ai vertici del governo imperiale si possa ravvisare una continuità di strategie, come immaginò, qualche anno fa, R. Syme , attraverso una suggestiva analogia tra l'alacre attività diplomatica degli alleati di Traiano e le trame del prefetto del pretorio Aemilius Laetus, poco meno di un secolo dopo: quest'ultimo, regista della congiura contro Commodo, fu abile a nominare rapidamente un candidato plausibile e popolare, non inviso al Senato, Pertinace (allora Praefectus Urbi), mentre, nello stesso tempo, il suo candidato reale, Settimio Severo, veniva assegnato a un comando chiave, quello della Pannonia; forte del supporto decisivo delle legioni danubiane, il generale africano conquistò poi il potere. E' forte la tentazione di individuare simili sviluppi per il biennio 96 – 98. Infine, le correnti di opposizione filosofica al dispotismo di Domiziano, che avevano riacquisito vigore negli ultimi anni dell'età flavia, ebbero un ruolo non trascurabile nei conflitti che dilaniarono il Senato nel corso del principato di Nerva, arrivando anche a presentare un proprio candidato alla successione: se il biennio nerviano risulta argomento così articolato e complesso, e apparentemente contraddittorio, ciò si deve in parte anche all'interferenza, nella lotta per l'imperium, di questo "terzo polo". Sulla base di queste premesse, è chiaro che l'interpretazione della storia politica del regno di Domiziano non possa fare a meno di quella che ne è, a tutti gli effetti, un'appendice, ma che, per la sua natura di momento storico non soggetto a una forza egemone, e, di conseguenza, non completamente banalizzato da un "pensiero unico", offre spiragli e "corsie alternative" all'indagine. Uno degli effetti più sgradevoli, benché necessari, della vulgata antidomizianea trasmessa dalla tradizione ai moderni consiste proprio nella naturale reazione che questa suscitò nei ricercatori che si dedicarono al principato dell'ultimo flavio. In pratica, ancora in tempi recenti, la finalità principale di molte ricerche è stata quella di rivalutare l'operato di Domiziano, confutando, punto per punto, l'opera consapevole di denigrazione postuma messa in atto da intellettuali e storiografi dell'antichità. Ciò ha prodotto indubitabilmente degli effetti positivi, riequilibrando il giudizio storico su Domiziano, e sottolineando la sostanziale continuità di pratiche e di scelte strategiche, in ambito politico e amministrativo, con i sovrani successivi. Contemporaneamente, nel tentativo di render giustizia a una figura storica oggetto di una secolare campagna di diffamazione, tale impostazione ha, in taluni casi, ecceduto in senso opposto, non riuscendo a riconoscere le ragioni di un fatto che resta comunque incontestabile, ovvero la sua caduta, o addirittura trasformando Domiziano stesso in una vittima del conservatorismo senatoriale . Mi sono dunque chiesto quale (o quali) fattore potesse aver contribuito in maniera sensibile alla rovina dell'ultimo flavio; in età moderna non sono mancate le suggestioni in questo senso: dall'ormai esausto e meccanico schema del conflitto tra tirannide liberticida e senato, all'intervento di una componente di matrice giudaica; dalle reazioni delle classi elevate alla rapacitas di Domiziano, all'opposizione ai tentativi di riforma in senso dirigista ed efficientista dell'amministrazione e del governo dell'Impero. Ciascuna di queste proposte manca però di un adeguato supporto documentario, oppure tende a generalizzare un fenomeno di cui restano scarsi indizi, che non autorizzano l'elaborazione di teorie sistematiche . Piuttosto negletto dalla ricerca moderna, perlomeno in relazione all'ultimo flavio, mi è parso invece un aspetto, che abitualmente riveste una certa importanza nella biografia di ogni imperatore, ovvero quello rappresentato dalla questione dinastica e dalle prospettive di successione. Certo, manca a un'indagine di questo genere l'essenziale supporto di un'opera storica dello spessore e dell'intelligenza politica degli Annales, che ha fornito un contributo essenziale alla comprensione delle altrimenti inesplicabili dinamiche di corte del principato giulio – claudio. Eppure, indizi dell'attenzione e delle aspettative che Domiziano e la sua corte nutrivano verso la nascita di un erede maschio, e di una successione in domo, non mancano: non soltanto nelle evidenze numismatiche ed epigrafiche d'inizio regno, ma anche nelle oscillazioni della relazione con la moglie Domitia Longina, e nei riflessi che tali oscillazioni ebbero sull'armonia e sulla stabilità dei rapporti tra il flavio e la classe dirigente. Non è impossibile che sia stato proprio questo elemento ad avvelenare il clima politico sin dagli esordi. Era d'altronde un fatto assolutamente noto che i Flavi fossero votati al principio ereditario: Vespasiano doveva almeno in parte ai suoi due figli l'opzione in suo favore quale candidato alla porpora espressa da Licinius Mucianus e dagli altri componenti delle Partes Flavianae; egli stesso si trovò poi a fronteggiare, se dobbiamo credere alle fonti, un numero considerevole di congiure proprio a causa della risolutezza con la quale perseguiva la successio in domo. Il padre di Domiziano però, cresciuto e formatosi politicamente negli ambienti della corte giulio – claudia, e in particolare (almeno per qualche tempo) all'interno dell'influente circolo di Antonia Minore, ne ereditava la concezione di principato senza possedere gli stessi requisiti di nobiltà. Questa particolare condizione, oltre alle ben note conseguenze sul piano della condotta istituzionale (che si traduceva nel tentativo di legittimazione attraverso il monopolio delle magistrature più importanti), produsse un effetto secondario, al momento forse inevitabile, visto a posteriori, rovinoso. La necessità di ridurre al minimo i rischi di usurpazione, amplificati dalla relativa modestia sociale dei propri antenati, spinse i Flavi a limitare l'estensione e la ramificazione del proprio network familiare , proprio al fine di evitare che un matrimonio legittimasse le aspirazioni di un capax imperii. La dimensione e la gravità dell'errore emerge dal confronto con la politica dinastica di Augusto, il quale però poteva vantare la discendenza da una delle famiglie più nobili della Roma repubblicana: sin dal principio, il fondatore dell'Impero aveva proceduto alla più ampia cooptazione di gentes patrizie (reintegrando anche i discendenti del suo storico rivale, Marco Antonio), avvicinandole il più possibile, attraverso alleanze matrimoniali, alla Domus Augusta, al duplice scopo di garantire la ricomposizione politica, e di alimentare il ricambio generazionale. La stessa attitudine alla ricomposizione del ceto dirigente caratterizzò gli esordi della dinastia flavia, ma ne influenzò solo in minima parte la politica matrimoniale. Le conseguenze di questa impostazione emersero durante il principato di Domiziano. Questi, non solo dovette affrontare le difficoltà legate all'assenza di discendenti maschi, ma, in un certo senso, contribuì ad accentuarle, facendo giustiziare l'intera linea maschile del ramo familiare discendente dallo zio Flavius Sabinus. E' intuitivo come ciò, a un certo punto del regno, potesse autorizzare legittime aspirazioni da parte di chi, pur non essendo imparentato coi Flavi, vantava nobili origini. Ad aggravare questa situazione, contribuì un secondo fattore di considerevole rilevanza, ovvero l'imponente dote di relazioni "eccellenti" e influenti (nonché di pericolose prossimità con insigni esponenti dell'opposizione stoica), che Domitia Longina ereditò dal padre Domitius Corbulo, e che non mancò di condizionare sistematicamente gli equilibri interni alla corte e interferire nelle strategie di orientamento dinastico dell'imperatore. Abbiamo visto come il matrimonio tra Domiziano e Domitia Longina avesse suggellato un'alleanza politica, che aveva portato all'affermazione delle Partes Flavianae, alla conquista del potere per Vespasiano e i suoi figli, e garantito considerevoli vantaggi in termini d'immagine, di governabilità, e di durata della nuova compagine. Essa però imponeva probabilmente anche seri condizionamenti all'arbitrio dei regnanti: uno di essi poteva essere proprio il rispetto, a tutti i costi, del vincolo nuziale stesso, e del suo fine precipuo, ovvero la nascita di un erede maschio, nel quale confluissero le linee dinastiche di entrambe le famiglie (Flavi e Domitii), insieme alle rispettive clientele. Proprio il "fallimento" di tali aspettative, almeno in due casi (il primo, con la morte di Flavius Caesar, all'inizio del regno; il secondo, meno documentato, intorno all'anno 90, in seguito a un aborto di Longina), scatenò altrettante crisi; la prima di esse, che vide probabilmente la contrapposizione a corte di un "partito" di Domitia Longina e di un'opzione interna alla casata flavia (che individuava in Iulia la sposa ideale per l'imperatore e che spingeva per l'unificazione della linea dinastica), e che si risolse con la reintegrazione dell'Augusta, suggerisce una duplice riflessione: innanzitutto essa rappresenta un ottimo esempio di come il processo di revisione storica successivo alla morte del tiranno abbia avuto gioco facile a determinare un appiattimento della dialettica politica interna alla corte domizianea a una dimensione frivola e scandalistica, indispensabile per offrire materia prima alla vituperatio, anche, crediamo, grazie alle peculiari caratteristiche della comunicazione in una corte imperiale, per sua natura indiretta, ambigua e inintelligibile ai più, facilmente equivocabile col banale pettegolezzo; tuttavia, va comunque constatato che le dicerie che fornirono l'alimento all'opera di diffamazione dell'ultimo flavio scaturirono dal contesto della corte domizianea, e colà trovano la loro ragion d'essere e le loro motivazioni occulte. Su di essi si costruì poi il processo di revisione storica successivo, ma ciò non toglie nulla al fatto che esistessero già (in forma diversa probabilmente) durante il principato di Domiziano. Non è dunque, a mio giudizio, un esercizio completamente inutile lo sforzo esegetico compiuto su certo genere di fonti: i rumores riportati, in sostanza, testimoniano l'esistenza di un piano occulto, probabile scenario di un conflitto tra forze contrastanti, miranti ciascuna a esercitare pressione sul princeps e a condizionarne le scelte. Questo ci conduce al secondo punto: la vittoria diplomatica conseguita da Domitia Longina con la sua reintegrazione, e i fatti che l'accompagnarono, rivelano il peso e l'influenza degli alleati dell'Augusta; tra essi, emergono T. Aurelius Fulvus e Q. Iulius Cordinus Rutilius Gallicus, luogotenenti del padre di Longina in Oriente, componenti, assieme a Sex. Iulius Frontinus, di quel "gruppo corbuloniano", che si fece garante dell'alleanza che generò le Partes Flavianae; e L. Iulius Ursus, all'epoca ancora prefetto del pretorio e probabile adfinis della dinastia regnante. Questo sodalizio, formato da uomini di provata esperienza, appartenenti alla generazione precedente a quella di Domiziano, e che quindi non dovevano la loro ascesa sociale al princeps, rappresenterà (con la sola eccezione di Rutilius Gallicus, morto probabilmente nel 91) il nerbo della diplomazia politica che gestirà il duplice avvicendamento ai vertici del governo imperiale tra il 96 e il 97. E' significativo notare, a questo proposito, che l'imponente network di amicitiae e di relazioni familiari al vertice del quale questi personaggi si trovavano e che, come abbiamo visto, gravitava attorno ad alcune familiae novae emergenti di origine per lo più provinciale (ispano – narbonense, dovremmo dire), ovvero gli Aelii, gli Ulpii, gli Annii, i Calvisii Rusones, e i ricchissimi Curvii fratres, aveva visto rinsaldare i suoi nodi, per il tramite di eclatanti alleanze matrimoniali, ben prima della caduta di Domiziano. Ciò implica che, al momento della seconda fase di crisi dinastica del principato, successiva al 90, questa rete di relazioni doveva già essere attiva, e poteva dunque aver influito sul processo di deterioramento dei rapporti tra il princeps e la classe dirigente. La probabile emarginazione di Domitia Longina infatti, all'indomani del fallimentare esito della maternità cui fa cenno Marziale , alienò definitivamente a Domiziano l'appoggio del cospicuo blocco di potere che spalleggiava l'Augusta; l'isolamento dinastico dell'imperatore è peraltro confermato indirettamente dall'analisi della lista dei consolari che congiurarono contro di lui e che furono quindi giustiziati : dei 14 condannati a morte, di cui 13 consolari, 8 erano sicuramente patrizi. Quindi capaces imperii, secondo l'abituale metro di valutazione degli antichi. Lo erano in misura maggiore dal momento che, all'interno di questo gruppo, almeno 6 personaggi potevano vantare relazioni di parentela o di stretta amicizia con i Flavi (Flavius Sabinus, Arrecinus Clemens, M'. Acilius Glabrio, Aelius Lamia, Flavius Clemens, C. Vettulenus Civica Cerialis), uno, ovvero Salvius Otho, era nipote di un ex imperatore, e l'ultimo, Salvidienus Orfitus, era imparentato con l'imperatrice. E' ragionevole supporre che la maggior parte di costoro sia stata coinvolta all'interno di piani cospiratori allo scopo di garantire una credibile candidatura alla porpora. Inoltre, fatta eccezione per Arrecinus Clemens e Flavius Sabinus, ed escludendo i due eversori militari, tutte le altre vittime delle rappresaglie domizianee si concentrano dopo il 90/91 d.C. A mio avviso, ancora una volta il comune denominatore della maggior parte di queste calamitates potrebbe farsi risalire al problema della successione. La presenza di tanti capaces imperii non si spiega in altro modo se non alla luce della ridotta disponibilità di plausibili successori all'interno della casata flavia; e un sovrano senza successori era esposto a un costante rischio di cospirazioni. Alla luce di questi elementi è assai agevole comprendere la chiosa di Svetonio alla notizia della esecuzione dell'ultimo adfinis, e potenziale erede, di Domiziano, ovvero Flavius Clemens, giustiziato nel 95 dopo aver appena deposto i fasces : quo maxime facto (scil. Domitianus) maturavit sibi exitium. A questo punto è forte la tentazione di individuare una stretta relazione tra il progressivo estinguersi delle opzioni dinastiche di Domiziano e la ricomparsa sulla ribalta dell'alta politica, all'indomani della morte del despota, e dopo qualche anno di salutare ritiro, di Sex. Iulius Frontinus, Iulius Ursus, Domitius Tullus, T. Aurelius Fulvus. Questi politici navigati, esperti diplomatici, influenti uomini di potere, erano attratti dalla prospettiva di inserire il network di interessi che rappresentavano nel vuoto lasciato dai Flavi. Non è anzi escluso che essi abbiano cercato di accelerare la caduta di Domiziano , o comunque che non abbiano ostacolato la creazione di una fronda antitirannica, di una coalizione di forze attorno ai circoli di opposizione e, soprattutto, attorno a Domitia Longina, l'imperatrice ripudiata, erede della dote morale del padre, Domitius Corbulo, martire egli stesso del dispotismo. Emerge ancora una volta la centralità dell'Augusta, come soggetto politico di considerevole influenza, e, almeno nella fase finale del principato domizianeo, come punto di riferimento dell'opposizione al marito. Una certa tradizione letteraria, da Dione a Procopio, e una considerevole serie di documenti epigrafici e archeologici, conferma l'ottima reputazione, se non addirittura la venerazione di cui godette la donna dopo la morte di Domiziano, sorprendenti ove si pensi che quest'ultimo fu oggetto della più implacabile abolitio memoriae che la storia imperiale ricordi . La fine di Domiziano, al pari di quella di Nerone, fu dunque il risultato di una convergenza di interessi e soggetti molto differenti tra loro, temporaneamente coalizzati dall'obiettivo della rimozione di un nemico comune. Non casualmente, H. Castritius ha associato il ruolo di Domitia Longina, quale catalizzatore del dissenso, a quello della figura e poi della memoria di Ottavia . La composita alleanza tra epigoni dei martiri stoici, elementi del patriziato, componenti del gruppo corbuloniano, ebbe breve durata: sin dal principio, la reggenza di Nerva è caratterizzata da una estesa conflittualità all'interno del Senato e della classe dirigente. Il princeps è peraltro in una posizione di estrema debolezza: il suo ruolo di garante istituzionale, frutto di un faticoso compromesso, lo condanna ad un'equidistanza molto facilmente assimilabile all'isolamento; d'altronde la precarietà del suo mandato, la sua condizione di reggitore dell'Impero ad interim, era talmente palese da indurlo addirittura a pronunciarsi su di essa . In verità Nerva era un uomo piuttosto compromesso con Domiziano, e questo non mancò di essergli rinfacciato . Un sovrano tanto delegittimato non può che far presupporre che alle sue spalle infuri la battaglia per la successione. In tal senso, uno degli scopi di questo lavoro è consistito nell'individuare tracce o indizi di una continuità di strategie da parte del medesimo gruppo di potere in occasione dei due avvicendamenti ai vertici del governo imperiale tra il settembre 96 e l'ottobre 97. Ben poco è possibile dedurre dagli scarni resoconti delle fonti circa l'assassinio di Domiziano (né avremmo mai sperato di ricavare da essi molto più che banali aneddoti); assai più significativa l'invadente presenza dei futuri artefici dell'adozione di Traiano in ogni iniziativa del neoinsediato governo di Nerva: Sex. Iulius Frontinus divenne curator aquarum nel 97, e contemporaneamente, insieme a L. Iulius Ursus, presiedette la commissione finanziaria istituita dall'anziano princeps. La notizia è tanto più sorprendente ove si consideri che tale attivismo faceva da contraltare alla totale inerzia politica durante gli ultimi anni di regno di Domiziano. T. Aurelius Fulvus, se ancora vivo, doveva avere sovrinteso alla Praefectura Urbi nei giorni del complotto contro l'ultimo flavio, e molto probabilmente deteneva ancora la carica. Ritengo poi che i consolati iterum del 98 siano in buona parte stati decisi da Nerva: se così fosse, il grande onore tributato a Frontinus, Ursus, e Domitius Tullus, si spiegherebbe a fatica se non in relazione a meriti particolari nell'insediamento al potere del senatore di Narni, e in tutto ciò che lo precedette. Infine, nell'eventualità, molto probabile, a giudizio di molti, che Traiano fosse stato assegnato alla Germania Superiore nell'autunno del 96, si avrebbe un'importante conferma del fatto che i suoi alleati, sin dall'inizio del principato di Nerva si avvantaggiassero di una considerevole supremazia strategica sui possibili concorrenti. Questo naturalmente non poteva spiegarsi che con un primato in termini di potere, influenza, ricchezza. Il cosiddetto "circolo di Traiano" rappresentava, come abbiamo visto, il vertice di una rete di relazioni e interessi imponente; essa sarà la base della futura dinastia antonina. Artefici o meno della caduta di Domiziano, saranno i componenti più anziani di questo network, ben insediati a capo delle catene di comando del principato di Nerva, a sovrintendere al passaggio di consegne tra l'anziano princeps e il legato della Germania Superiore, operando i necessari avvicendamenti in alcuni officia strategici del Reno, e, per un altro verso, vigilando nella capitale , affinché tutto procedesse secondo i piani. Componeva questa task force diplomatica, oltre ai già citati Frontinus, Ursus, T. Aurelius Fulvus, Cn. Domitius Tullus, anche, con tutta probabilità, L. Licinius Sura, del quale si sono cercate di mettere in luce in particolare le virtù "civili": amante della mondanità, infaticabile tessitore di relazioni, fine politico, il braccio destro di Traiano sembra assai più facilmente assimilabile a un Mecenate che a un Agrippa. Per questa ragione, ritengo che il suo decisivo contributo al senatore di Italica debba essere collocato nel contesto di febbrile attivismo diplomatico che ebbe come scenario Roma, e non la provincia . A trarre profitto da questa operazione sarebbero poi stati i membri più giovani di questo blocco di potere, appartenenti alla generazione di Traiano (e di Domiziano), o di poco più anziani: Q. Glitius Atilius Agricola, Q. Sosius Senecio, L. Iulius Ursus Servianus, Sex. Attius Suburanus, A. Cornelius Palma Frontonianus, per citare i più importanti. Naturalmente, questa operazione di "insediamento" al potere non avvenne senza contrasti. Il principale ostacolo all'affermazione di Traiano e dei suoi alleati, era costituito dai politici più legati al passato regime, la cui influenza si era conservata pressoché intatta: lo dimostra ad esempio il fatto che la scelta del successore di Domiziano fosse ricaduta su Nerva, uomo dalle evidenti inclinazioni filodomizianee. Il presidio dei vertici del governo imperiale rappresentava un presupposto fondamentale per esercitare il patronato e attivare canali di promozione e di cooptazione clientelare: era evidente che tale posizione di privilegio non poteva essere amichevolmente condivisa. Inoltre, la factio filodomizianea poteva contare sulla rivalutazione della memoria dell'imperatore ucciso, aspetto che sin dall'inizio incontrò il favore dei soldati, legionari e pretoriani. Coerente con tali premesse, la candidatura di un vir militaris, di un uomo che aveva condiviso, sul campo, trionfi e rovesci di Domiziano, conosciuto e rispettato dalle truppe, ovvero M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatius Maternus. Come ha ben evidenziato K.H. Schwarte , è in questo "bipolarismo" di fondo che trova la sua ragion d'essere l'offensiva, politica e giudiziaria, contro delatori veri o presunti di Domiziano e uomini compromessi con il passato regime; tra i protagonisti di questa campagna lo stesso Plinio, e, ovviamente, i componenti delle correnti di opposizione alla tirannia di ritorno dall'esilio (Iunius Mauricus in primis). Risulta chiaro, dunque, come i processi politici e gli attacchi agli uomini compromessi con il regime domizianeo durante il regno di Nerva avessero una mera utilità politica: quella cioè di legittimare un "passaggio di consegne", una "successione" altrimenti priva di fondamento giuridico o dinastico; questo è tanto più vero ove si consideri che tale istanza veniva avanzata in diretta e contemporanea concorrenza con un'altra rivendicazione, a suo modo uguale e contraria: quella cui si accennava in precedenza, assai ben descritta dallo Schwarte, fatta propria dai politici e dai viri militares più legati e più compromessi con il passato domizianeo. Ambedue gli schieramenti, in breve, sostenevano una propria "candidatura" al sommo potere. In tale prospettiva, sia detto per inciso, va dunque forse interpretata la successiva campagna "revisionista", che ebbe in Plinio il suo primo interprete e che determinò una consistente mistificazione della realtà storica di quel biennio: essa ebbe origine proprio dalla necessità politica contingente alla lotta per la successione, nacque nella sua forma proprio come rivendicazione politica della legittimità di una candidatura su un'altra, non fu il risultato meccanico di una rilettura inventata di sana pianta post eventum; e peraltro l'elaborazione di una versione addomesticata degli avvenimenti rappresentava una necessità avvertita anche da quanti avevano sostenuto il candidato sbagliato, o si erano mantenuti neutrali; tutti accomunati dall'unica esigenza di dimenticare in fretta e rimanere comunque sul carro dei vincitori. Tali considerazioni mi consentono una breve, ma essenziale, divagazione: è in questo contesto di conflitto politico che va collocata l'emarginazione, o la rimozione, di alcuni personaggi, sin troppo compromessi con il passato regime. L'analisi prosopografica di politici e viri militares vicini a Domiziano ha messo in evidenza, per alcuni di essi, questa circostanza . Ciò naturalmente non presuppone in alcun modo una generale strategia di ricambio nel governo dell'Impero; il principio di continuità amministrativa e di personale tra i regni di Domiziano e Traiano proposto da Waters rimane ancora validissimo. Ciò premesso, affermare che l'avvicendamento ai vertici dell'establishment, avvenuto a cavallo del regno di Nerva, non abbia prodotto delle vittime (in senso metaforico, s'intende), significa misconoscere le più basilari regole del realismo politico. K. Ströbel ha opportunamente parlato, a questo proposito, di "Entdomitianisierung", con esplicito riferimento a ben noti, e analoghi, fenomeni moderni: porre il problema della maggiore o minore compromissione con il tiranno in termini prosopografici non ha alcun senso, dal momento che risulterà evidente che, in tale prospettiva, tutti risultano compromessi, in quanto tutti debitori all'imperatore della propria ascesa sociale. Secondo le "regole d'avanzamento" universalmente accettate, ciascun senatore era in grado di comprendere, in linea di massima, fino a dove avrebbe potuto arrivare; e in generale l'intervento del princeps era rivolto a promuovere degli avanzamenti, assai di rado ad ostacolarli. In questo senso, molti dei componenti della classe politica che si affermerà con Traiano, a partire dall'imperatore, potevano tranquillamente dire di non aver goduto del particolare favore di Domiziano; medesime rivendicazioni potevano venire dai diplomatici di lungo corso, rimasti ai margini dell'alta politica negli ultimi anni di regno del figlio di Vespasiano. Peraltro, il confronto tra la composizione del consilium principis d'età domizianea con quello di Traiano, dimostra che una certa discontinuità (dipendente, va riconosciuto, anche da cause naturali) in effetti vi fu. Tornando all'analisi delle vicende dell'anno 97, si è poi evidenziata l'esistenza di un "terzo polo", oltre a quelli testé descritti. Esso prende le mosse dai circoli d'opposizione filosofica, che, negli anni della svolta autoritaria di Domiziano, avevano riacquisito vigore, e che, dopo l'assassinio del despota, vivevano in senato un'ultima stagione di grande attivismo politico e di accresciuta popolarità; l'offensiva politica e giudiziaria contro gli uomini più compromessi con il passato regime, non fece che amplificarne ulteriormente le ambizioni. L'esito piuttosto insoddisfacente dei processi, e, allo stesso tempo, la percezione della finalità strategica di quest'operazione (la candidatura di un uomo meno compromesso con Domiziano), determinarono probabilmente la deriva "estremistica" di questo soggetto, che provò ad approfittare della debolezza di Nerva: questa, a mio giudizio, la sostanza politica della congiura di Calpurnius Crassus Frugi. E' questo un episodio abitualmente trascurato dagli studiosi, in quanto considerato marginale; recenti studi hanno però dimostrato che esso fu tutt'altro che sottovalutato da Traiano: la durezza delle sanzioni a carico del ribelle, stabilite a correzione della precedente, lieve pena, imposta da Nerva, è rivelatrice dell'entità della minaccia percepita dai nuovi signori di Roma. Prima di concludere, va infine chiarito un ultimo punto. La confutazione della tradizionale immagine dell'Optimus Princeps come vir militaris determina importanti conseguenze anche nella ricostruzione degli avvenimenti che portarono alla sua adozione. Egli non può più essere considerato, con buona pace di R. Syme , come il naturale candidato dei comandi provinciali, l'espressione di un pacifico compromesso fra capi militari, l'adozione del quale placò di conseguenza ogni tumulto e sventò qualsiasi rischio di sollevazione. L'ascesa alla statio principis di Traiano dovette dunque essere assai più complicata e irta di ostacoli di quanto le fonti contemporanee ce la presentino; soprattutto, la storia di quei mesi deve essere interpretata rivalutando la dialettica dei rapporti di forza tra le aspirazioni dei legati provinciali, le istanze dei legionari, e la regia occulta delle diplomazie senatoriali attive nell'Urbe . In definitiva, il blocco di potere a sostegno di Traiano si avvaleva di una certa supremazia, in termini politici e strategici. Eppure non era egemone. La scarsa reputazione di Traiano presso le legioni; i malumori dei soldati, piuttosto facilmente riscontrabili in Mesia e sul Reno, probabili in Pannonia; i rumores provenienti da Oriente; le pericolose oscillazioni di Nerva verso la factio filodomizianea; la presenza di preoccupanti fattori di interferenza nella lotta per la successione, come la congiura di Calpurnius Crassus Frugi, che aveva anche pericolosamente evidenziato la debolezza di Nerva; tutti questi elementi convinsero gli alleati di Traiano che la posizione strategicamente favorevole di quest'ultimo poteva non essere più sufficiente. In questa logica, una forzatura, che mettesse una volta per tutte fine ad ogni dubbio, poteva essere una soluzione contemplabile. Ma un azzardo del genere poteva essere prerogativa solo di chi conservava il controllo del "gioco", e poteva permettersi di correre un rischio "calcolato". La sollevazione dei Pretoriani, sobillati da Casperius Aelianus, va letta, a mio giudizio, in quest'ottica: ovvero come una provocazione diretta a forzare Nerva all'adozione di Traiano. Un'interpretazione del genere, peraltro, delinea un quadro politico più coerente delle ipotesi finora proposte; chiarisce i dubbi circa la condotta successiva di Casperius Aelianus, di Nerva e di Traiano; motiva la freddezza dell'adottato verso l'adottante. In conclusione, quindi, la cosiddetta adozione, secondo questa del tutto ipotetica ricostruzione, sarebbe una vera e propria usurpazione "mascherata", messa in atto da un gruppo di potere ramificato e forte (i cui elementi più in vista si trovavano tutti a Roma in quel periodo), contrapposto a interessi non convergenti coi propri, ma non abbastanza importanti da scatenare una guerra civile, una volta vistisi minacciati: si potrebbe dire che la strategia dei diplomatici alleati di Traiano avesse messo in scacco tutti gli altri possibili concorrenti; ma una volta constatato poi il rischio che la situazione sfuggisse di mano, essi avevano finito con l'optare per una forzatura, che poteva avere senso solo a condizione di un controllo quasi totale della situazione. L'atto iniziale della dinastia antonina, che ha suggerito ad alcuni moderni l'enfatica definizione di "Adoptivkaiser", fu dunque, nella migliore delle ipotesi, una forma subdola di coercizione. Se tale ipotesi fosse attendibile, cadrebbe anche l'ultimo pilastro di una costruzione che ha ben poco di storico e molto di ideologico. Nella lunga storia dell'Impero romano, l'unico criterio di successione dotato di una qualche legittimità, e rispettato dalle forze che via via si contendevano il potere, fu quello dinastico. Domiziano pagò, a dispetto di ogni infingimento retorico o ideologico sul dispotismo, una fallimentare politica dinastica; i successori di Nerva, pur privi di eredi diretti, si trasmisero tutti il potere in ossequio alla consanguineità ; Marco Aurelio, unico ad avere figli, nominò disinvoltamente, seppur in condizioni di emergenza, il proprio figlio Commodo quale successore. Il nuovo gruppo dirigente che si raccolse attorno ai principes antonini, si dimostrò ben consapevole di questa imprescindibile condizione, e formò una rete compatta e estesa di relazioni e alleanze familiari, tale da garantire la successione all'interno di essa, fenomeno che è in parte fattore fisiologico di condotta delle famiglie romane, ma che poi diverrà anche una strategia consapevole da parte del potere (si pensi al complicato sistema di adozioni incrociate imposto da Adriano ad Antonino Pio), così come a suo tempo aveva cercato di fare Augusto, e che invece mancò completamente nei piani di successione dei Flavi. Ad essi d'altronde era ben nota l'unica, possibile alternativa, ovvero la conquista violenta del potere. Questa, sin dall'inizio, era stata la reale natura del principato: come ebbe a scrivere R. Syme , in fondo, "il principato nacque dall'usurpazione".

v. 750. V -- Vallejo L -- v. 751. Vallejo M -- Vans -- v. 752. Vänt -- Vážn -- v. 753. Vazo -- Venezuela Com -- v. 754. Venezuela Con -- Vereim -- v. 755. Verein -- Vers L -- v. 756. Vers M -- Victor M -- v. 757. Victor O -- Vigd -- v. 758. Vige -- Vinea -- v. 759. Vineb -- Vision R -- v. 760. Vision S -- Voice C -- v. 761. Voice D -- Voso -- v. 762. Vosp -- Vz -- v. 763. W -- Wagner, Richard A -- v. 764. Wagner, Richard B -- Walker, William F -- v. 765. Walker, William G -- Walz -- v. 766. Wam -- Ward A -- v. 767. Ward B -- Warsh -- v. 768. Warsi -- Waso -- v. 769. Wasp -- Water Supply Engineering B -- v. 770. Water Supply Engineering C -- Weak -- v. 771. Weal -- Wedk -- v. 772. Wedl -- Welc -- v. 773. Weld -- Wenzel R -- v. 774. Wenzel S -- West Virginia I -- v. 775. West Virginia J -- Whare -- v. 776. Wharf -- White E -- v. 777. White F -- Whittier L -- v. 778. Whittier M -- Wijg -- v. 779. Wijh -- William B -- v. 780. William C -- Willis S -- v. 781. Willis T -- Wimh -- v. 782. Wimi -- Winters G -- v. 783. Winters H -- Wit and Humor, American R -- v. 784. Wit and Humor, American S -- Woh -- v. 785. Woi -- Woman-Employment-U.S.T -- v. 786. Woman-Employment-U.S.U -- Wood G -- v. 787. Wood H -- Woold -- v. 788. Woole -- World Politics, 1919- T -- v. 789. World Politics, 1919- U -- World War, 1939-1945 EC -- v. 790. World War, 1939-1945 ED -- World War, 1939-1945 Ph -- v. 791. World War, 1939-1945 Pi -- World War, 1939-1945 Regional C -- v. 792. World War, 1939-1945 Regional D -- Wright G -- v. 793. Wright H -- Wz -- v. 794. X -- Yeast V -- v. 795. Yeast W -- Young C -- v. 796. Young D -- Yz -- v. 797. Z -- Zehn J -- v. 798. Zehn K -- Zimmerman C -- v. 799. Zimmerman D -- Zoology A -- v. 800. Zoology B -- Zy. ; v. 730. U -- Underdeveloped Areas A -- v. 731. Underdeveloped Areas B -- Union of South Africa So -- v. 732. Union of South Africa Sp -- United States Adu -- v. 733. United States Adv -- United States Army R -- v. 734. United States Army S -- United States Commerce C -- v. 735. United States Commerce D -- United States Division S -- v. 736. United States Division T -- United States Foreign Relations R -- v. 737. United States Relations S -- United States Historic -- v. 738. United States History -- United States History-Revolution-Poetry S -- v. 739. United States History-Revolution-Poetry T -- United States History-Civil War-Military-Regimental History L -- v. 740. United States History-Civil War-Military-Regimental History M -- United States History-Yearbooks -- v. 741. United States Ho -- United States Justice Department Ac -- v. 742. United States Justice Department Ad -- United States National Aeronautic and Space Administration R -- v. 743. United States National Aeronautic and Space Administration S -- United States Politics, 1865-1897 J -- v. 744. United States Politics, 1865-1897 K -- United States Rac -- v. 745. United States Rad -- United States State Department P -- v. 746. United States State Department Q -- United States War Information Office A -- v. 747. United States War Information Office B -- Université S -- v. 748. Université T -- Urban O -- v. 749. Urban P -- Uz. ; v. 703. T -- Tall -- v. 704. Talm -- Tariff I -- v. 705. Tariff J -- Taxation-Jurisprudence F -- v. 706. Taxation-Jurisprudence G -- Taylor Jer -- v. 707. Taylor Jes -- Tecn -- v. 708. Teco -- Television C -- v. 709. Television D -- Tena -- v. 710. Tenb -- Tess -- v. 711. Test -- Textile Machinery S -- v. 712. Textile Machinery T -- Their -- v. 713. Theis -- Thern -- v. 714. Thero -- Thomas V -- v. 715. Thomas W -- Thorpe B -- v. 716. Thorpe C -- Tidev -- v. 717. Tidew -- Tires -- v. 718. Tiret -- Tokio G -- v. 719. Tokio H -- Torl -- v. 720. Torm -- Towards E -- v. 721. Towards F -- Trade Unions G -- v. 722. Trade Unions H -- Transcendentalism B -- v. 723. Transcendentalism C -- Treason-Trials H -- v. 724. Treason-Trials I -- Trial -- v. 725. Triam -- Trotzky, Lev G -- v. 726. Trotzky, Lev H -- Tube R -- v. 727. Tube S -- Turin C -- v. 728. Turin D -- Tuw -- v. 729. Tux -- Tz. ; v. 636. S -- Safe -- v. 637. Saff -- Saint Louis G -- v. 638. Saint Louis H -- Saler -- v. 639. Sales -- Salvation Army R -- v. 640. Salvation Army S -- Sanchez L -- v. 641. Sanchez M -- Sans -- v. 642. Sant -- Sarl -- v. 643. Sarm -- Savar -- v. 644. Savas -- Schaa -- v. 645. Schab -- Schid -- v. 646. Schie -- Schmidt B -- v. 647. Schmidt C -- Scholl S -- v. 648. Scholl T -- Schopf E -- v. 649. Schopf F -- Schulze F -- v. 650. Schulze G -- Science Col -- v. 651. Science Com -- Scoa -- v. 652. Scob -- Scott -- v. 653. Scotu -- Seals and Seal Fisheries C -- v. 654. Seals and Seal Fisheries D -- Sedl -- v. 655. Sedm -- Sell -- v. 656. Selm -- Sericulture A -- v. 657. Sericulture B -- Sever G -- v. 658. Sever H -- Shakers L -- v. 659. Shakers M -- Shakespeare A -- v. 660. Shakespeare B -- Sheldon S -- v. 661. Sheldon T -- Shipping G -- v. 662. Shipping H -- Shórn -- v. 663. Shoro -- Shrub -- v. 664. Shruc -- Sigg -- v. 665. Sigh -- Simek -- v. 666. Simel -- Singing Q -- v. 667. Singing R -- Skinner B -- v. 668. Skinner C -- Slavs B -- v. 669. Slavs C -- Smith A -- v. 670. Smith B -- Smith, William A -- v. 671. Smith, William B -- Social D -- v. 672. Social E -- Socialism, 1923-1933 H -- v. 673. Socialism, 1923-1933 I -- Societe Al -- v. 674. Société AM -- Societies R -- v. 675. Societies S -- Sociology T -- v. 676. Sociology U -- Solís -- v. 677. Solit -- Sonh -- v. 678. Soni -- Sousa A -- v. 679. Sousa B -- Southgate V -- v. 680. Southgate W -- Spain-Foreign Relations F -- v. 681. Spain-Foreign Relations G -- Spanish America-History-to 1600 -- v. 682. Spanish America-History-after 1600 -- Speech O -- v. 683. Speech P -- Spirit F -- v. 684. Spirit G -- Spuc -- v. 685. Spud -- Stage-France O -- v. 686. Stage-France P -- Stanford R -- v. 687. Stanford S -- Statement F -- v. 688. Statement G -- Sted -- v. 689. Stee -- Stel -- v. 690. Stem -- Stevenson I -- v. 691. Stevenson J -- Stockholders F -- v. 692. Stockholders G -- Storg -- v. 693. Storh -- Straus D -- v. 694. Straus E -- Struc -- v. 695. Strud -- Stuer -- v. 696. Stues -- Sueb -- v. 697. Suec -- Summ -- v. 698. Sumn -- Surim -- v. 699. Surin -- Swan H -- v. 700. Swan I -- Swey -- v. 701. Swez -- Symbolism in Architecture R -- v. 702. Symbolism in Architecture S -- Sz. ; v. 603. Q -- Quek -- v. 604. Quel -- Qw -- v. 605. R -- Radio in Politics B -- v. 606. Radio in Politics C -- Railways Ab -- v. 607. Railways Ac -- Railways D -- v. 608. Railways E -- Rak -- v. 609. Ral -- Rape -- v. 610. Rapf -- Raymond V -- v. 611. Raymond W -- Recei -- v. 612. Récéj -- Reed V -- v. 613. Reed W -- Régim -- v. 614. Regin -- Reiner I -- v. 615. Reiner J -- Religion I -- v. 616. Religion J -- Rentm -- v. 617. Rentn -- Retail Trade R -- v. 618. Retail Trade S -- Revue S -- v. 619. Revue T -- Rhodesia, Northern L -- v. 620. Rhodesia, Northern M -- Richl -- v. 621. Richm -- Rihs -- v. 622. Riht -- Ritter C -- v. 623. Ritter D -- Roads-U.S.M -- v. 624. Roads-U.S.N -- Robinson J -- v. 625. Robinson K -- Rodrigues G -- v. 626. Rodrigues H -- Rolfe F -- v. 627. Rolfe G -- Rome (City)-P -- v. 628. Rome (City)-Q -- Rord -- v. 629. Rore -- Ross C -- v. 630. Ross D -- Rousseau L -- v. 631. Rousseau M -- Roźd -- v. 632. Roze -- Rul -- v. 633. Rum -- Russia Ar -- v. 634. Russia As -- Russia-Social Conditions, 1917 K -- v. 635. Russia-Social Conditions, 1917 L -- Rz. ; v. 548. P -- Pagg -- v. 549. Pagh -- Paintings-Collections R -- v. 550. Paintings-Collections S -- Paleography L -- v. 551. Paleography M -- Palmer K -- v. 552. Palmer L -- Pann -- v. 553. Pano -- Pap -- v. 554. Paq -- Paris E -- v. 555. Paris F -- Parkh -- v. 556. Parki -- Parties, Political D -- v. 557. Parties, Political E -- Patd -- v. 558. Paté -- Paul J -- v. 559. Paul K -- Pearce C -- v. 560. Pearce D -- Pei -- v. 561. Pej -- Pennsylvania F -- v. 562. Pennsylvania G -- Pén [i.e. Pénz] -- v. 563. Peo -- Periodicals C -- v. 564. Periodicals D -- Periodicals-U.S.I -- v. 565. Periodicals-U.S.J -- Persia C -- v. 566. Persia D -- Peru -- v. 567. Perv -- Petri R -- v. 568. Petri S -- Pfeiffer E -- v. 569. Pfeiffer F -- Philip G -- v. 570. Philip H -- Philology S -- v. 571. Philology T -- Phok -- v. 572. Phol -- Phrom -- v. 573. Phron -- Picb -- v. 574. Picc -- Pik -- v. 575. Pil -- Pioneer Life-U.S.V -- v. 576. Pioneer Life-U.S.W -- Pittsburgh S -- v. 577. Pittsburgh T -- Plas -- v. 578. Plat -- Plup -- v. 579. Pluq -- Poetry, American A -- v. 580. Poetry, American B -- Poetry, American Wis -- v. 581. Poetry, American, Wit -- Poetry, Dutch S -- v. 582. Poetry, Dutch T -- Poetry, English, Hist. & Crit., 20th Cent. C -- v. 583. Poetry, English, Hist. & Crit., 20th Cent. D -- Poetry, Hungarian A -- v. 584. Poetry, Hungarian, B -- Poetry, Spanish P -- v. 585. Poetry, Spanish Q -- Poland F -- v. 586. Poland G -- Polish Literature, Hist. & Crit. O -- v. 587. Polish Literature, Hist. & Crit. P -- Polska Akademja Umiejetnosci A -- v. 588. Polska Akademja Umiejetnosci B -- Popar -- v. 589. Popas -- Portrait S -- v. 590. Portrait T -- Postage Stamps R -- v. 591. Postage Stamps S -- Poula -- v. 592. Poulb -- Pram -- v. 593. Pran -- Press, Liberty of H -- v. 594. Press, Liberty of I -- Prier -- v. 595. Pries -- Printing G -- v. 596. Printing H -- Privies N -- v. 597. Privies O -- Proj -- v. 598. Prok -- Protection V -- v. 599. Protection W -- Prussia-History-Frederick II C -- v. 600. Prussia-History-Frederick II D -- Psyk -- v. 601. Psyl -- Puli -- v. 602. Pulj -- Pyz. ; v. 509. N -- Nan -- v. 510. Nao -- Nash -- v. 511. Nasi -- National C -- v. 512. National D -- National Sh -- v. 513. National Si -- Natural History R -- v. 514. Natural History S -- Naval E -- v. 515. Naval F -- Navy R -- v. 516. Navy S -- Ned -- v. 517. Nee -- Neh -- v. 518. Nei -- Netherlands (Kingdom, 1815- ) O -- v. 519. Netherlands (Kingdom, 1815- ) P -- Neud -- v. 520. Neue -- New England D -- v. 521. New England E -- New K -- v. 522. New L -- New York (city) B -- v. 523. New York (city) C -- New York (city) L -- v. 524. New York (city) M -- New York N -- v. 525. New York O -- New York (state) H -- v. 526. New York (state) I -- New Zealand C -- v. 527. New Zealand D -- Newspapers E -- v. 528. Newspapers F -- Nicol -- v. 529. Nicom -- Ninn -- v. 530. Nino -- Nole -- v. 531. Nolf -- North Am -- v. 532. North An -- Northwestern O -- v. 533. Northwestern P -- Noth -- v. 534. Notti -- Numismatics C -- v. 535. Numismatics D -- Nz -- v. 536. O -- Occupations C -- v. 537. Occupations D -- Oese -- v. 538. Oesf -- Ohio H -- v. 539. Ohio I -- Old L -- v. 540. Old M -- Omaha R -- v. 541. Omaha S -- Oor -- v. 542. Oos -- Oratory R -- v. 543. Oratory S -- Organic R -- v. 544. Organic S -- Orrego L -- v. 545. Orrego M -- Ostl -- v. 546. Ostm -- Outs -- v. 547. Outt -- Oz. ; v. 450. M -- Mccol -- v. 451. Mccom -- Mcgrad -- v. 452. Mcgrae -- Mackenzie G -- v. 453. Mackenzie H -- Macq -- v. 454. Macr -- Maga -- v. 455. Magb -- Maic -- v. 456. Maid -- Malat -- v. 457. Malau -- Maml -- v. 458. Mamm -- Mana -- v. 459. Manb -- Mannk -- v. 460. Mannl -- Many -- v. 461. Manz -- Marc -- v. 462. Mard -- Maris -- v. 463. Marit -- Marriage F -- v. 464. Marriage G -- Martens E -- v. 465. Martens F -- Martr -- v. 466. Marts -- Masc -- v. 467. Masd -- Massachusetts I -- v. 468. Massachusetts J -- Mathematics K -- v. 469. Mathematics L -- Matthews D -- v. 470. Matthews E -- Max -- v. 471. May -- Meb -- v. 472. Mec -- Medic -- v. 473. Medid -- Mej -- v. 474. Mek -- Memory R -- v. 475. Memory S -- Meq -- v. 476. Mer -- Merv -- v. 477. Merw -- Meteorology C -- v. 478. Meteorology D -- Metropolitan M -- v. 479. Metropolitan N -- Mexico G -- v. 480. Mexico H -- Meyk -- v. 481. Meyl -- Mich -- v. 482. Mici -- Mikn -- v. 483. Mikó -- Military L -- v. 484. Military M -- Milla -- v. 485. Millb -- Milton L -- v. 486. Milton M -- Mines and Mining G -- v. 487. Mines and Mining H -- Mirac -- v. 488. Mirad -- Missions, Foreign E -- v. 489. Missions, Foreign F -- Mitb -- v. 490. Mitc -- Modn -- v. 491. Modo -- Moll -- v. 492. Molm -- Money F -- v. 493. Money G -- Monof -- v. 494. Monog -- Monteiro L -- v. 495. Monteiro M -- Mónu -- v. 496. Monv -- Mord -- v. 497. More -- Morl -- v. 498. Morm -- Morse E -- v. 499. Morse F -- Motd -- v. 500. Mote -- Mountaineering M -- v. 501. Mountaineering N -- Moving Pictures R -- v. 502. Moving Pictures S -- Mufs -- v. 503. Muft -- Municipal C -- v. 504. Municipal D -- Murk -- v. 505. Murl -- Music B -- v. 506. Music C -- Music T -- v. 507. Music U -- Mutt -- v. 508. Mutu -- Mz. ; v. 414. L -- Labor G -- v. 415. Labor H -- Labour Party, Gt. Br. D -- v. 416. Labour Party, Gt. Br. E -- Lagd -- v. 417. Lage -- Lamm -- v. 418. Lamn -- Land, Public-U.S.N -- v. 419. Land, Public-U.S.O -- Lang O -- v. 420. Lang P -- Lapk -- v. 421. Lapl -- Latg -- v. 422. Lath -- Latth -- v. 423. Latti -- Law S -- v. 424. Law T -- Law, Maritime A -- v. 425. Law, Maritime B -- Leadh -- v. 426. Leadi -- Lebn -- v. 427. Lebo -- Lefk -- v. 428. Lefl -- Lehm -- v. 429. Lehn -- Lenc -- v. 430. Lend -- Leroy E -- v. 431. Leroy F -- Letters E -- v. 432. Letters F -- Levn -- v. 433. Levo -- Liberalism K -- v. 434. Liberalism L -- Libraries (Place) N -- v. 435. Libraries (Place) O -- Lich -- v. 436. Lici -- Lighthouses H -- v. 437. Lighthouses I -- Lincoln A -- v. 438. Lincoln B -- Lior -- v. 439. Lios -- Literature P -- v. 440. Literature Q -- Living Expenses G -- v. 441. Living Expenses H -- Locomotives A -- v. 442. Locomotives B -- Loll -- v. 443. Lolm -- London U -- v. 444. London V -- Lord R -- v. 445. Lord S -- Louis XVI -- v. 446. Louis XVII -- Lowe S -- v. 447. Lowe T -- Ludwig O -- v. 448. Ludwig P -- Lutg -- v. 449. Luth -- Lz. ; v. 363. I -- Idn -- v. 364. Ido -- Illumination of Books and Manuscripts S -- v. 365. Illumination of Books and Manuscripts T -- Impos -- v. 366. Impot -- Independence D -- v. 367. Independence E -- India, History E -- v. 368. India, History F -- Indians, Central America, Tribes L -- v. 369. Indians, Central America, Tribes M -- Indians, North America S -- v. 370. Indians, North America T -- Indib -- v. 371. Indić -- Industrial Arts (Place) E -- v. 372. Industrial Arts (Place) F -- Industries (Place) U -- v. 373. Industries (Place) V -- Inl -- v. 374. Inm -- Institut M -- v. 375. Institut N -- Insurance I -- v. 376. Insurance J -- Intellectuals (Place) F -- v. 377. Intellectuals (Place) G -- International Ch -- v. 378. International Ci -- International LaC -- v. 379. International Lad -- Internationalism B -- v. 380. Internationalism C -- Iowa R -- v. 381. Iowa S -- Irish L -- v. 382. Irish M -- Isa -- v. 383. Isb -- Italian Language H -- v. 384. Italian Language I -- Italy, History to 1815 -- v. 385. Italy, History-After 1815 -- Iz -- v. 386. J -- Jagem -- v. 387. Jagen -- Jansen T -- v. 388. Jansen U -- Jard -- v. 389. Jaré -- Jels -- v. 390. Jelt -- Jesuits and Jesuitism U -- v. 391. Jesuits and Jesuitism V -- Jews, Anti-Semitic Writings M -- v. 392. Jews, Anti-Semitic Writings N -- Jews So -- v. 393. Jews Sp -- Johnm -- v. 394. Johnn -- Jolk -- v. 395. Joll -- Jorg -- v. 396. Jorh -- Journey B -- v. 397. Journey C -- Juk -- v. 398. Jul -- Juvenile Literature, Drama, American C -- v. 399. Juvenile Literature, Drama, American D -- Jz -- v. 400. K -- Kampe -- v. 401. Kampf -- Karo -- v. 402. Karp -- Keem -- v. 403. Keen -- Kennedy J -- v. 404. Kennedy K -- Kets -- v. 405. Kett -- Kinf -- v. 406. King -- Kirr -- v. 407. Kirs -- Kloo -- v. 408. Klop -- Kobd -- v. 409. Kobe -- Kolor -- v. 410. Kolos -- Kor -- v. 411. Kos -- Kreus -- v. 412. Kreut -- Kuer -- v. 413. Kues -- Kz. ; v. 330. H -- Hahm -- v. 331. Hahn -- Hall J -- v. 332. Hall K -- Hamilton J -- v. 333. Hamilton K -- Handwriting R -- v. 334. Handwriting S -- Harbors M -- v. 335. Harbors N -- Harper V -- v. 336. Harper W -- Hartmann K -- v. 337. Hartmann L -- Hathaway E -- v. 338. Hathaway F -- Hawkins L -- v. 339. Hawkins M -- Heart's T -- v. 340. Hearts U -- Hegel H -- v. 341. Hegel I -- Heller J -- v. 342. Heller K -- Henry of K -- v. 343. Henry of L -- Heredity R -- v. 344. Heredity S -- Hertling O -- v. 345. Hertling P -- Hibben S -- v. 346. Hibben T -- Hiller F -- v. 347. Hiller G -- Historia A -- v. 348. Historia B -- History, General-18th Century Works B -- v. 349. History, General-18th Century Works C -- Hodge B -- v. 350. Hodge C -- Hog -- v. 351. Hoh -- Holr -- v. 352. Hols -- Hond -- v. 353. Hone -- Horn L -- v. 354. Horn M -- Hot R -- v. 355. Hot S -- Housing-Working Class H -- v. 356. Housing-Working Class I -- Howl -- v. 357. Howm -- Hughes F -- v. 358. Hughes G -- Humo -- v. 359. Hump -- Hunting N -- v. 360. Hunting O -- Hut -- v. 361. Huu -- Hygiene, Public L -- v. 362. Hygiene, Public M -- Hyz. ; v. 291. G -- Gall L -- v. 292. Gall M -- Gandía E -- v. 293. Gandía F -- Gardiner G -- v. 294. Gardiner H -- Gases A -- v. 295. Gases B -- Gazs -- v. 296. Gazt -- General E -- v. 297. General F -- Geography As -- v. 298. Geography At -- Geology O -- v. 299. Geology P -- Geometry S -- v. 300. Geometry T -- Gerk -- v. 301. Gerl -- German Literature S -- v. 302. German Literature T -- Germany C -- v. 303. Germany D -- Germany-History 1847 -- v. 304. German-History 1848 -- Gerom -- v. 305. Geron -- Giac -- v. 306. Giad -- Gilds G -- v. 307. Gilds H -- Girk -- v. 308. Girl -- Glay -- v. 309. Glaz -- Godf -- v. 310. Godg -- Gold Mines and Mining-Al -- v. 311. Gold Mines and Mining-Am -- Gol [i.e. Golz] -- v. 312. Gom -- Gook -- v. 313. Gool -- Goula -- v. 314. Goulb -- Grad -- v. 315. Grae -- Grang -- v. 316. Granh -- Great Britain I -- v. 317. Great Britain J -- Great Britain-Description and Travel,1800-1850 -- v. 318. Great Britain-Description and Travel, 1850-1900 -- Great Britain-Govt. B -- v. 319. Great Britain-Govt. C -- Great Britain-Hist., 19th cent. F -- v. 320. Great Britain-Hist.,19th cent. G -- Great Britain-Politics, 1660-1714 R -- v. 321. Great Britain-Politics, 1660-1714 S -- Great Britain-Trade, Board of U -- v. 322. Great Britain-Trade, Board of V -- Greece (Modern)-History, 1830 M -- v. 323. Greece (Modern)-History, 1830 N -- Greene H -- v. 324. Greene I -- Grey N -- v. 325. Grey O -- Grog -- v. 326. Groh -- Grunds -- v. 327. Grundt S -- Gueu -- v. 328. Guev -- Gumo -- v. 329. Gump -- Gzow. ; v. 249. F -- Fairs F -- v. 250. Fairs G -- Fans -- v. 251. Fant -- Fascism-Germany B -- v. 252. Fascism-Germany C -- Fearh -- v. 253. Feari -- Felln -- v. 254. Fello -- Ferrari -- v. 255. Ferrarj -- Fev -- v. 256. Few -- Fiction, American Ham -- v. 257. Fiction, American Han -- Fiction, American Will -- v. 258. Fiction, American Wilm -- Fiction, Dutch A -- v. 259. Fiction, Dutch B -- Fiction, English Kim -- v. 260. Fiction, English Kin -- Fiction, Flemish L -- v. 261. Fiction, Flemish M -- Fiction, German A -- v. 262. Fiction, German B -- Fiction, Lettish J -- v. 263. Fiction, Lettish K -- Fiction, Swiss-German B -- v. 264. Fiction, Swiss-German C -- Filmr -- v. 265. Films -- Finance, U.S., 1813 -- v. 266. Finance, U.S., 1814 -- Finland R -- v. 267. Finland S -- Fischa -- v. 268. Fischb -- Fishing A -- v. 269. Fishing B -- Flanders G -- v. 270. Flanders H -- Flora F -- v. 271. Flora G -- Flya -- v. 272. Flyb -- Folklore N -- v. 273. Folklore O -- Fond -- v. 274. Fone -- Før N -- v. 275. For O -- Forestry-Germany S -- v. 276. Forestry-Germany T -- Forter -- v. 277. Fortes -- Fourm -- v. 278. Fourn -- France Ar -- v. 279. France As -- France-Foreign Relations R -- v. 280. France-Foreign Relations S -- France-History-Revolution O -- v. 281. France-History-Revolution P -- France-Statistics M -- v. 282. France-Statistics N -- Frank E -- v. 283. Frank F -- Frederick I, King of Prussia -- v. 284. Frederick II, King of Prussia -- Freemasons P -- v. 285. Freemasons Q -- French Language-Dictionaries D -- v. 286. French Language-Dictionaries E -- Fresco Paintings B -- v. 287. Fresco Paintings C -- Friends, Society of. L -- v. 288. Friends, Society of. M -- Früh [i.e. Fruh] -- v. 289. Frui -- Funck J -- v. 290. Funck K -- Fyz. ; v. 214. E -- Eastern Col -- v. 215. Eastern Com -- Ecole B -- v. 216. Ecole C -- Economic History-Chile F -- v. 217. Economic History-Chile G -- Economic History I -- v. 218. Economic History J -- Economic History-U.S.F -- v. 219. Economic History-U.S.G -- Economics, 1848-1889 E -- v. 220. Economics, 1848-1889 F -- Edel -- v. 221. Edem -- Education E -- v. 222. Education F -- Education O -- v. 223. Education P -- Education-U.S.-N.J.T -- v. 224. Education-U.S.-N.J.U -- Egypt C -- v. 225. Egypt D -- Eisenstein I -- v. 226. Eisenstein J -- Electric M -- v. 227. Electric N -- Electrons B -- v. 228. Electrons C -- Ellis S -- v. 229. Ellis T -- Emigration, Canada N -- v. 230. Emigration, Canada O -- Enchanted R -- v. 231. Enchanted S -- Engineering Ch -- v. 232. Engineering Ci -- English Language-Dictionaries G -- v. 233. English Language-Dictionaries H -- English Literature S -- v. 234. English Literature T -- Epitaphs T -- v. 235. Epitaphs U -- Ero -- v. 236. Erp -- Espl -- v. 237. Espm -- Essays P -- v. 238. Essays R -- Ethics G -- v. 239. Ethics H -- Etr -- v. 240. Ets -- Europe-History H -- v. 241. Europe-History I -- European War, Aerial Operations M -- v. 242. European War, Aerial Operations N -- European War, Economic Aspects Germany K -- v. 243. European War, Economic Aspects Germany L -- European War, Neutrality R -- v. 244. European War, Neutrality S -- European War, Regimental History F -- v. 245. European War, Regimental History G -- European War, Great Britain G -- v. 246. European War, Great Britain H -- Evero -- v. 247. Everp -- Exhibitions C -- v. 248. Exhibitions D -- Ez. ; v. 177. D -- Dale C -- v. 178. Dale D -- Dancing F -- v. 179. Dancing G -- Danzig G -- v. 180. Danzig H -- Dauw -- v. 181. Daux -- Dawn -- v. 182. Dawo -- Debray -- v. 183. Debraz -- Defei -- v. 184. Defel -- Delaware C -- v. 185. Delaware D -- Democracy-U.S.B -- v. 186. Democracy-U.S.C -- Denton, Name [i.e. Denton (Name)] -- v. 187. Denton, County [i.e. Denton County] -- Desmares -- v. 188. Desmaret -- Deutsche J -- v. 189. Deutsche K -- Dewar M -- v. 190. Dewar N -- Dickens, Charles F -- v. 191. Dickens, Charles G -- Dikes H -- v. 192. Dikes I -- Disaster Relief B -- v. 193. Disaster Relief C -- Divo -- v. 194. Divr -- Dog L -- v. 195. Dog M -- Donato L -- v. 196. Donato M -- Douglas P -- v. 197. Douglas R -- Drama, American A -- v. 198. Drama, American B -- Drama, American Mi -- v. 199. Drama, American Mo -- Drama C -- v. 200. Drama D -- Drama, English Hol -- v. 201. Drama, English Hom -- Drama, English Translations From . R -- v. 202. Drama, English Translations From . S -- Drama, French J -- v. 203. Drama, French K -- Drama, German Bas -- v. 204. Drama, German Bat -- Drama, German, Low German D -- v. 205. Drama, German, Low German E -- Drama, L -- v. 206. Drama, M -- Drama, Spanish Ger -- v. 207. Drama, Spanish Ges -- Drama, Walloon W -- v. 208. Drama, Walloon X -- Dreu -- v. 209. Drev -- Dublin U -- v. 210. Dublin V -- Duke O -- v. 211. Duke P -- Duper -- v. 212. Dupes -- Dutch Language D -- v. 213. Dutch Language E -- Dz. ; v. 107. C -- Cah -- v. 108. Cai -- Cale -- v. 109. Calf -- California V -- v. 110. California W -- Cameron, I -- v. 111. Cameron, J -- Canada B -- v. 112. Canada C -- Canada Statistics Bureau M -- v. 113. Canada Statistics Bureau N -- Canaq -- v. 114. Canar -- Capeh -- v. 115. Capei -- Cardif -- v. 116. Cardig -- Carm -- v. 117. Carn -- Carrik -- v. 118. Carril -- Case A -- v. 119. Case B -- Castles R -- v. 120. Castles S -- Cathedrals S -- v. 121. Cathedrals T -- Catholic Church Roman L -- v. 122. Catholic Church Roman M -- Cauch -- v. 123. Cauci -- Cement and Concrete M -- v. 124. Cement and Concrete P -- Ceo -- v. 125. Cep -- Chah -- v. 126. Chai -- Chand -- v. 127. Chane -- Charities I -- v. 128. Charities J -- Charz -- v. 129. Chas -- Chemical Industries I -- v. 130. Chemical Industries J -- Chemm -- v. 131. Chemn -- Chicago B -- v. 132. Chicago C -- Children AC -- v. 133. Children AD -- Chile T -- v. 134. Chile U -- Chinese A -- v. 135. Chinese B -- Christ L -- v. 136. Christ M -- Christianity E -- v. 137. Christianity F -- Church Al -- v. 138. Church Am -- Church I -- v. 139. Church J -- Chyz -- v. 140. Ci -- Cities-Plans-D -- v. 141. Cities-Plans-E -- Civil R -- v. 142. Civil S -- Claq -- v. 143. Clar -- Classification K -- v. 144. Classification L -- Clergy F -- v. 145. Clergy G -- Club T -- v. 146. Club U -- Cobb -- v. 147. Cobd -- Coi -- v. 148. Coj -- Collection K -- v. 149. Collection L -- Collim -- v. 150. Collin -- Colonies and Colonization A -- v. 151. Colonies and Colonization B -- Columbia University Q -- v. 152. Columbia University R -- Coml -- v. 153. Comm -- Commerce Am -- v. 154. Commerce An -- Commerce-New York -- v. 155. Commerce-New Zealand -- Commis -- v. 156. Commit -- Competition-Unfair F -- v. 157. Competition-Unfair G -- Cone -- v. 158. Conf -- Congres H -- v. 159. Congres I -- Conr -- v. 160. Cons -- Continuation L -- v. 161. Continuation M -- Cookery B -- v. 162. Cookery C -- Cooperation S -- v. 163. Cooperation T -- Copyright M -- v. 164. Copyright N -- Coronations G -- v. 165. Coronations H -- Cortazar C -- v. 166. Cortazar D -- Cotner T -- v. 167. Cotner U -- Country Life-United States -- v. 168. Country Life-Uruguay -- Cowper W -- v. 169. Cowper Family -- Creation-Biblical Account-H -- v. 170. Creation-Biblical Account-I -- Criminal H -- v. 171. Criminal I -- Crip -- v. 172. Criq -- Crosby G -- v. 173. Crosby H -- Cua -- v. 174. Cub -- Cunningham A -- v. 175. Cunningham B -- Cux -- v. 176. Cuy -- Cz. ; v. 52. B -- Bader -- v. 53. Bades -- Baker, I -- v. 54. Baker, J -- Ballads, E -- v. 55. Ballads, F -- Banco P -- v. 56. Banco R -- Banks and Banking-Gt. Br. S -- v. 57. Banks and Banking-Gt. Br. T -- Baptists-U -- v. 58. Baptists-V -- Barlac -- v. 59. Barlad -- Barry, I -- v. 60. Barry, J -- Basr -- v. 61. Bass -- Baud -- v. 62. Baue -- Beac -- v. 63. Bead -- Beck -- v. 64. Becl -- Beh -- v. 65. Bei -- Belk -- v. 66. Bell -- Bend -- v. 67. Bene -- Benz -- v. 68. Beo -- Berlin F -- v. 69. Berlin G -- Berr -- v. 70. Bers -- Bet -- v. 71. Beu -- Bible. Zulu -- v. 72. Bible. Selections -- Bible. N.T.: Crit -- v. 73. Bible. N.T.-D -- Bible. O.T. Pr -- v. 74. Bible. O.T. Ps -- Bibliography-O -- v. 75. Bibliography-P -- Bibliotheca O -- v. 76. Bibliotheca P -- Bik -- v. 77. Bil -- Bio -- v. 78. Bip -- Bisl -- v. 79. Bism -- Blai -- v. 80. Blaj -- Blis -- v. 81. Blit -- Bob -- v. 82. Boc -- Bog -- v. 83. Boh -- Bolr -- v. 84. Bols -- Bolz -- v. 85. Bom -- Bon -- v. 86. Boo -- Bool -- v. 87. Boom -- Bor -- v. 88. Bos -- Botany-R -- v. 89. Botany-S -- Bouq -- v. 90. Bour -- Boyd -- v. 91. Boye -- Bram -- v. 92. Bran -- Brazil D -- v. 93. Brazil E -- Brer -- v. 94. Bres -- Brid -- v. 95. Brie -- British E -- v. 96. British F -- Brom -- v. 97. Bron -- Brov -- v. 98. Brow -- Brt -- v. 99. Bru -- Bryc -- v. 100. Bryd -- Budget-E -- v. 101. Budget F -- Building C -- v. 102. Building D -- Bulle -- v. 103. Bullf -- Burgf -- v. 104. Burgg -- Burrow, M -- v. 105. Burrow, N -- Buss -- v. 106. Bust -- Bz. ; v. 1. A -- Aben -- v. 2. Abeo -- Académie de F -- v. 3. Académie du G -- Achm -- v. 4. Achn -- Adams, D -- v. 5. Adams, E -- Ador -- v. 6. Adós -- Aeronautics-Ac -- v. 7. Aeronautics-Ad -- Aesoph -- v. 8. Aesopi -- Africa, So -- v. 9. Africa, Sp -- Agar -- v. 10. Agas -- Agriculture-Economics-F -- v. 11. Agriculture-Economics-G -- Agriculture-C [i.e. Agriculture (Place) C] -- v. 12. Agriculture-D [i.e. Agriculture (Place) D] -- Air-E -- v. 13. Air-F -- Alabam -- v. 14. Alaban -- Alcaraz, Em -- v. 15. Alcaraz, En -- Alexan, F -- v. 16. Alexan, G -- Aliens-H -- v. 17. Aliens-I -- Allied J -- v. 18. Allied K -- Alphabet, S -- v. 19. Alphabet, T -- Alz -- v. 20. Am -- America M -- v. 21. America-N -- American Fab -- v. 22. American Fac -- American Languages-Q -- v. 23. American Languages-R -- American Pio -- v. 24. American Pip -- Americans in L -- v. 25. Americans in M -- Amy -- v. 26. Amz -- Anderson, S -- v. 27. Anderson T -- Angle S -- v. 28. Angle T -- Annal -- v. 29. Annam -- Anthon -- v. 30. Anthoo -- Apar -- v. 31. Apas -- Aqueb -- v. 32. Aquec -- Arauco, C -- v. 33. Arauco D -- Architectural D -- v. 34. Architectural E -- Architecture, Ecclesiastical-F -- v. 35. Architecture, Ecclesiastical-G -- Arens -- v. 36. Arent -- Aristoc -- v. 37. Aristod -- Armitage, R -- v. 38. Armitage, S -- Army, R -- v. 39. Army, S -- Arres -- v. 40. Arret -- Art-Essays and Misc. G -- v. 41. Art-Essays and Misc. H -- Art Per [i.e. Art Pers]-- v. 42. Art, Peru -- Arz -- v. 43. As -- Assat -- v. 44. Assau -- Assz -- v. 45. Ast -- Athenaeum I -- v. 46. Athenaeum L -- Attention M -- v. 47. Attention N -- Auq -- v. 48. Aurauco D -- Austria B -- v. 49. Austria-C -- Authorship T -- v. 50. Authorship U -- Auy -- v. 51. Auz -- Az. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Background: Although guidelines exist for advanced and variant bladder cancer management, evidence is limited/conflicting in some areas and the optimal approach remains controversial. Objective: To bring together a large multidisciplinary group of experts to develop consensus statements on controversial topics in bladder cancer management. Design: A steering committee compiled proposed statements regarding advanced and variant bladder cancer management which were assessed by 113 experts in a Delphi survey. Statements not reaching consensus were reviewed; those prioritised were revised by a panel of 45 experts before voting during a consensus conference. Setting: Online Delphi survey and consensus conference. Participants: The European Association of Urology (EAU), the European Society for Medical Oncology (ESMO), experts in bladder cancer management. Outcome measurements and statistical analysis: Statements were ranked by experts according to their level of agreement: 1–3 (disagree), 4–6 (equivocal), 7–9 (agree). A priori (level 1) consensus was defined as ≥70% agreement and ≤15% disagreement, or vice versa. In the Delphi survey, a second analysis was restricted to stakeholder group(s) considered to have adequate expertise relating to each statement (to achieve level 2 consensus). Results and limitations: Overall, 116 statements were included in the Delphi survey. Of these, 33 (28%) statements achieved level 1 consensus and 49 (42%) statements achieved level 1 or 2 consensus. At the consensus conference, 22 of 27 (81%) statements achieved consensus. These consensus statements provide further guidance across a broad range of topics, including the management of variant histologies, the role/limitations of prognostic biomarkers in clinical decision making, bladder preservation strategies, modern radiotherapy techniques, the management of oligometastatic disease and the evolving role of checkpoint inhibitor therapy in metastatic disease. Conclusions: These consensus statements provide further guidance on controversial topics in advanced and variant bladder cancer management until a time where further evidence is available to guide our approach.

BACKGROUND: Although guidelines exist for advanced and variant bladder cancer management, evidence is limited/conflicting in some areas and the optimal approach remains controversial. OBJECTIVE: To bring together a large multidisciplinary group of experts to develop consensus statements on controversial topics in bladder cancer management. DESIGN: A steering committee compiled proposed statements regarding advanced and variant bladder cancer management which were assessed by 113 experts in a Delphi survey. Statements not reaching consensus were reviewed; those prioritised were revised by a panel of 45 experts before voting during a consensus conference. SETTING: Online Delphi survey and consensus conference. PARTICIPANTS: The European Association of Urology (EAU), the European Society for Medical Oncology (ESMO), experts in bladder cancer management. OUTCOME MEASUREMENTS AND STATISTICAL ANALYSIS: Statements were ranked by experts according to their level of agreement: 1-3 (disagree), 4-6 (equivocal), 7-9 (agree). A priori (level 1) consensus was defined as ≥70% agreement and ≤15% disagreement, or vice versa. In the Delphi survey, a second analysis was restricted to stakeholder group(s) considered to have adequate expertise relating to each statement (to achieve level 2 consensus). RESULTS AND LIMITATIONS: Overall, 116 statements were included in the Delphi survey. Of these, 33 (28%) statements achieved level 1 consensus and 49 (42%) statements achieved level 1 or 2 consensus. At the consensus conference, 22 of 27 (81%) statements achieved consensus. These consensus statements provide further guidance across a broad range of topics, including the management of variant histologies, the role/limitations of prognostic biomarkers in clinical decision making, bladder preservation strategies, modern radiotherapy techniques, the management of oligometastatic disease and the evolving role of checkpoint inhibitor therapy in metastatic disease. CONCLUSIONS: These consensus statements provide further guidance on ...

Objetivos: Desarrollar una escala de probabilidad de morir por Infección respiratoria aguda en menores de un año, según los determinantes sociales de la salud. Metodología: Se revisó y analizó la información de la base de datos de la cohorte de nacidos vivos del 2011 en Bogotá, incluyendo 106.758 menores de edad, para establecer un modelo de regresión de Cox, que prediga la mortalidad por infección respiratoria aguda. Resultados: El riesgo de morir fue 2,5 veces entre los de bajo peso al nacer, ( 2500 gr), (IC 95% 1.3-4.66), en presencia de prematurez, HR 2,67 (IC 95% 1.4-5.09), pertenecer al sistema general de seguridad social subsidiado, riesgo HR 2.6 (IC 95% 1.62-4.15) y residir en localidades tales como: Bosa, Ciudad Bolívar, Santa Fe, Usme, Rafael Uribe, Barrios Unidos y Teusaquillo, riesgo HR 4,8 (IC95% 1.9-12). La escala de vulnerabilidad, predijo mejor el riesgo de morir por IRA, al comparar con los no fallecidos, que al comparar con los fallecidos por otras causas y presentó una discriminación aceptable. Conclusiones: Este estudio permitió identificar y cuantificar el peso de determinantes que se pueden relacionar con la predicción de muerte por IRA en menores de un año en Bogotá, los cuales han sido descritos por otros estudios a nivel mundial. Palabras clave: (MeSH terms): Proportional hazards models, Infant mortality, Respiratory Tract Diseases, Pneumonia, Social Determinants of Health. ; Abstract. Objectives: To develop a scale of probability of dying for acute respiratory infection in children under one year, according to the social determinants of health. Methodology: Data from the 2011 live birth cohort database in Bogotá, including 106,758 minors, were reviewed and analyzed to establish a Cox regression model predicting mortality from acute respiratory infection. Results: The risk of dying was 2.5 times among those with low birth weight (2500 g), (95% CI 1.3-4.66), in the presence of prematurity, HR 2.67 (95% CI 1.4-5.09 ), belong to the general subsidized social security system, risk HR 2.6 (IC 95% 1.62-4.15) and to reside in localities such as Bosa, Ciudad Bolívar, Santa Fe, Usme, Rafael Uribe, Barrios Unidos and Teusaquillo, risk HR 4,8 (95% CI 1.9-12). The vulnerability scale, better predicted the risk of dying from ARI, compared with those who did not died, compared to those who died from other causes and presented acceptable discrimination. Conclusions: This study allowed us to identify and quantify the weight of determinants that can be related to the prediction of ARI death in children under one year of age in Bogotá, which have been described by other studies worldwide. Key words: (MeSH terms): Proportional hazards models, Infant mortality, Respiratory Tract Diseases, Pneumonia, Social Determinants of Health. ; Maestría

This book offers a contrastive, corpus-illustrated study of modal adverbs in English and Polish. It adopts a functional perspective on modal adverbs, and focuses on their interpersonal, textual and rhetorical functions in the two languages. The items under analysis (e.g. certainly, probably, evidently, clearly) are categorised differently in Anglophone and Polish linguistics, which is why this book also provides some insights into the treatment of modality and modal adverbs in English and Polish studies, thus contributing to the discussion of the ways in which such concepts as modal adverb, modal particle and discourse marker are understood across different languages and different linguistic traditions. It draws its examples from two monolingual corpora (the British National Corpus and the National Corpus of Polish), and the English-Polish parallel corpus Paralela. ; This project is financed from the grant received from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education under the Regional Initiative of Excellence programme for the years 2019-2022; project number 009/RID/2018/19, the amount of funding: PLN 10 947.15. It has also received financial support from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education under subsidy for maintaining the research potential of the Faculty of Philology, University of Białystok. ; a.rozumko@uwb.edu.pl ; Agata Rozumko is an Assistant Professor of English and English-Polish Contrastive Linguistics in the Institute of Modern Languages at the University of Bialystok. 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