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This paper criticizes the position that holds that the only meaningful political actions and the only formation of significant political identities are related to the economic bases. In other words, those within capitalist productive relations where the basic class contradictions can be found. The author of this paper basically takes into consideration two analytical criteria from the social movements theorists who argue that collective action can arise from sources other than the economic structure, such as the political or cultural dimension as well as from ethnic and gender relations. This shows that the sources of collective identity can be formed by something other than class. These different types of social movements create new identities and life styles. ; Este artículo critica la posición que sostiene que las únicas acciones políticas significativas y la única formación de identidades políticas significativas están relacionadas con las bases económicas. En otras palabras, aquellos dentro de las relaciones productivas capitalistas donde se pueden encontrar las contradicciones de clase básicas. El autor de este artículo básicamente toma en consideración dos criterios analíticos de los teóricos de los movimientos sociales que sostienen que la acción colectiva puede surgir de fuentes distintas a la estructura económica, como la dimensión política o cultural, así como las relaciones étnicas y de género. Esto demuestra que las fuentes de identidad colectiva pueden estar formadas por algo distinto de la clase. Estos diferentes tipos de movimientos sociales crean nuevas identidades y estilos de vida.

AbstractAlthough the concept of citizenship is a widely used theoretical framework within political philosophy, its use in the field of mental health remains underexplored. Within this context, citizenship emphasises the social inclusion and participation of people who are marginalized and offers a more social and relational view of services and support for people with mental health problems than has been common in mental health systems of care. At the same time, however, the citizenship approach has operated in the context of systems of care in the United States that favour highly individualized conceptions of, and approaches to, care, and these systems of care operate in the social and political context of highly individualized concepts of the citizen. In this article building on the work of other citizenship scholars, we argue that a collective form of citizenship, grounded in the 5Rs framework, holds the individual and collective in creative tension. Furthermore, the paper applies this model to the domain of mental health, where people are treated in individualistic ways and experience marginalisation, making the collective dimension imperative and promoting participation, empowerment and the contribution for social change to people with mental health problems. Our theoretical framework of collective citizenship, while geared toward the needs of persons with mental health problems, also contributes to recent citizenship theory on the inclusion of marginalized, stigmatised, and excluded groups. We illustrate the application of this approach through an ethnographic‐participant observation case study of a collective citizenship group with which we are associated.

Labour MP Sue Moroney's Parental Leave and Employment Protection (Six Months' Paid Leave) Amendment Bill to extend paid parental leave (PPL) to 26 weeks by 2014 was drawn from the Member's ballot in April and made it past its first reading in July, with all parties except National and Act indicating their support. One of the objectives of this bill, according to its sponsor, is to bring New Zealand in line with the rest of the industrialised world. In many industrialised countries, however, in the absence of any statutory entitlement, collective bargaining has played a crucial role both in determining PPL policies and in shaping legislative initiatives (Gregory and Milner 2009; Baird and Murray 2012). This article considers the role of collective bargaining in PPL policy in New Zealand.

We examined the relationship between individuals' perceived violation of rights and interests and their participation in collective action. In addition, we examined the mediation effects of perceived relative deprivation and political interest. We used data from the Chinese General
Social Survey conducted in 2010, which resulted in a sample size of 11,121. Results showed that, after controlling for demographic variables, perceived violation of rights and interests significantly increased the probability of individuals participating in collective action. Further testing
showed that perceived relative economic deprivation had a significant mediation effect. Although perceived violation of rights and interests also increased individuals' perceived relative social deprivation, the perception of relative social deprivation did not have an effect on collective
action participation. Political interest, however, had a significant mediation effect. Practical implications for public administrators in China are discussed.

"The seemingly mundane events of daily life create a complex knowledge base of lived experience to be explored. But how does one research common experiences and account for context, culture, and identity? A dilemma arises because experience is not just embedded in events, but also in the socially constructed meanings associated with those events. This book details the philosophical underpinnings, design features and implementation strategies of Collective Memory Work a methodology frequently employed by social justice activists/scholars. Collective Memory Work can provide scholars with unique and nuanced ways to solve problems for and with their participants. Most importantly, the chapters also detail projects and social justice in action, analysing their participants real stories and experiences: projects that focus on LGBTQ youth, #blacklivesmatter activists, white faculty working at historically Black colleges and universities, mens media consumption and much more. Written in an engaging and accessible style, readers will come to understand the potential of their own qualitative research using Collective Memory Work."--Provided by publisher.

This research analyzes how foreign organizational practices diffuse among indigenous enterprises in a developing economy. It highlights the collective knowledge-building process as central for understanding diffusion. Based on a longitudinal case study of a cluster of dairy producers in Nicaragua, a representative low-income country, it looks at cross-border diffusion in conditions that differ significantly from advanced economies. The current literature that highlights institutional pressures driving global spread of practices has limits for capturing a significant dynamic caused by increased integration of markets and production. By focusing on production organization and practices in a late developing context, this paper explains the intertwined process of spreading new standards and changing existing local practices by elaborating the relationship among building collective capabilities, learning, and standards diffusion. This study enriches current views on institutional effects and adds to the practice-based literature, as well as to the work on developing economy firms in organizational research.

SIMNET, an acronym for simulator networking, was initiated in 1983 as a project on large-scale simulator networking by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA; Order AO 4739, signed February 15, 1983). It is a proof-of-principle technology demonstration of interactive networking for real-time, person-in-the-loop battle engagement simulation and war-gaming. Intended for military collective training, SIMNET is also adaptable for training or exercising commanders and staffs at higher echelons, usable in the development of military concepts and doctrine, and suitable to the testing and evaluation of alternative weapon system concepts prior to acquisition decisions. This paper summarizes the technical history of SIMNET development and identifies lessons learned that could contribute to the success of future efforts to develop training technologies and systems, especially for collective training. It concludes with a discussion of the implications and challenges of SIMNET for the human factors and training technology communities.

The recent and interesting practice of European Security and Defence Policy peace missions testifies to a great vitality of EU in the field of peace maintenance and international security. This is an asset, considering that the Common Foreign and Security Policy is traditionally considered the least effective of the three EU pillars. In this field of EU Law there is an aspect deserving attention, namely the international legal aspect of the EU competence in crisis management. In fact, the implementation of ESDP requires one to consider the role of EU in the United Nations collective security system, in order to identify the international legal basis of EU peace missions. This is not a simple task. The UN collective security system has the appearance of a patchwork obtained by stitching together legal and political 'pieces', and the presence of different sources can make more difficult to legally frame activities of international organizations for peace. Any attempt can seem like entering into a labyrinth, where the presence of many variables takes us down many paths with different exit-doors. The aim of this working paper is just to open all those exit-doors, trying to identify the most appropriate one.

Abstract: : This article attempts to provide individual‐level support to findings of longitudinal macro‐level studies of the relation between economic variables and electoral outcomes in the Federal Republic. The theoretical framework is one of incumbency‐oriented vs. policy‐oriented political responses to collective vs. individual economic judgments (Kiewiet, 1983). The data base consists of 25 surveys from 1961 through 1984. Empirical analysis comprises three steps: First, the relation between economic judgments and partisan sympathies is analyzed, since it appears likely that part of the covariations between voting and such judgments is spurious due to a common dependence upon partisan orientations. Second, the impact of both kinds of economic judgments upon voting over time is investigated with and without controls for partisan affiliation. Finally, the impact over time of macropolitical and macroeconomic variables on individual political response patterns to economic judgments is estimated at the longitudinal macro‐level. The analysis demonstrates that collective economic judgments are generally a more potent predictor of electoral choice than individual economic judgments, and that there is clear empirical evidence both for the incumbency‐oriented and the policy‐oriented hypothesis linking such judgments to the vote.

O artigo apresenta o estado da arte acerca da eficácia coletiva de professores. Esse conceito deriva da teoria social cognitiva de Bandura, que considera as crenças de eficácia como as bases da agência humana, assim como descreve quatro fontes que sustentam seu desenvolvimento. As percepções de eficácia coletiva são definidas como os julgamentos dos professores de uma escola de que o seu conjunto dos professores é capaz de organizar e executar os cursos de ação exigidos para se conseguirem resultados positivos junto aos alunos. São relatados os modos pelos quais se pode mensurar esse constructo bem como as pesquisas sobre suas relações com desempenho dos alunos e com a autoeficácia individual dos professores. Por último, é mostrado como o desenvolvimento de eficácia coletiva tem um papel relevante, consideradas as condições do momento atual da escola brasileira.