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This article deals with the migration of "ethnic Germans" from socialist Eastern Europe to the GDR in the decades after the Second World War. Post-expulsion resettlement from that region is commonly associated with Aussiedler migration to West Germany. Contesting the idea that East Germany displayed no interest in Eastern European Germans, this article shows that the GDR, which challenged the West German claim to be the sole representative of the German nation, also received ethnic German immigrants, mostly from Poland and the USSR. It argues that the distribution of roles between the two German states, with West Germany being the prime destination for resettlers, was not clear from the outset. It was only after Polish–West German "normalization" in 1970 that the FRG became the almost uncontested "fatherland" for Eastern European Germans. West and East German approaches resembled each other as long as they were predicated on humanitarian family reunification. They diverged as the GDR attempted co-ethnic labor recruitment in Poland in the 1960s. These efforts met with limited success, as East Germany was the weakest link in a cross-bloc "tetradic nexus" with the German minority in Poland, the Polish state, and West Germany. Meanwhile, the GDR authorities eyed grass-roots migration initiatives by Soviet Germans with suspicion, as they undermined the government aspiration to control the movement of people. The article finally argues that movement of labor had no priority in the project of socialist economic integration, which gives reason to suspect a link between limited migration and failed COMECON integration.

Abstract
This article examines the challenges facing Pacific peoples from climate change. In particular it posits a framework for discussion around the notion of migration, identity and cultural sustainability that is couched in a repeated pattern of travelling and dwelling, a process that has been part of being a Pacific person for millennia. The article takes the position that evidence from oral tradition, history and contemporary times demonstrates that travelling is part of what it means to be a Pacific person. Climate change migration will be another contributor to this pattern of circular travelling and dwelling; departures and arrivals in the homeland. I examine the idea that the homeland is the pivot point for travelling and returning and as such is always the reference point for identity and nationhood. The future challenges for Pacific development and the impact of migration will be to find solutions from within the history, needs and aspirations of the Pacific peoples themselves; not in accepting the scenario of dependent and homeless climate refugees. This article is the first output from research into the wider challenges of the social impact of climate change migration on nationhood and identity and establishes a framework for thinking about solutions for the future that are informed from traditional ways to mitigate and adapt to challenge and change. I have taken the view that Aotearoa/New Zealand is part of the region and henceforth should be considered as part of the wider conversation of travelling and dwelling across the Pacific.

Поствоенная Европа столкнулась с социально-экономическими вызовами собственной трансформации из региона активной эмиграции в регион притяжения иностранной рабочей силы глобального значения. Этот продолжительный процесс затрагивал регионы европейского континента неравномерно, в различные исторические периоды и фазы экономического развития. Изначальным миграционным трансформациям подверглись страны Западной Европы, за ними последовали страны Средиземноморья, государства Центральной Европы. В молодых же государствах-членах Европейского Союза – представителях Восточноевропейского суб-региона, трансформация миграционной динамики – актуальная проблема современности, активно воздействующая как на продолжение миграционных трендов внутри самой Европы, так и в масштабах всей мировой экономики. В исследовании предпринята попытка отследить динамику трудовой миграции в условиях экономического прогресса стран ЕС, выделить закономерности и условия роста экономического значения иностранной рабочей силы в регионе. ; Post-war Europe is faced with socio-economic challenges of own transformation from a region of emigration to region of foreign labor force attraction. This continuous process affected regions of the European continent unevenly in different historical periods and phases of economic development. Initial migration transformations undergone countries of Western Europe, they were followed by the Mediterranean countries, the countries of Central Europe. In young Members of the European Union – countries of Eastern sub-region migration is an urgent problem of our time, actively impacting as a continuation of the trend of migration within Europe and across the world economy. The study attempts to track the dynamics of labor migration in the context of the economic progress of the countries of the EU, to identify patterns and conditions of growing economic importance of foreign labor in the region.

ResumenLos titulares de prensa, radio y televisión seleccionados en este artículo, que corresponden a noticias españolas del trienio 2009-2012, han sido estudiados mediante el análisis cualitativo yreafirman que los últimos documentos legislativos europeos (2010-2012) sobre la migración infantil -donde se proponen iniciativas para 'salvaguardar los derechos del niño'-no dan respuesta a lo que en Europa se considera 'la problemática de los menores migrantes', ni tampoco consiguen frenar las expediciones clandestinas, tal y como constatanlos testimonios de un centenar de menores africanos que han llegado en pateras o cayucos a las costas canarias en los últimos seis años.AbstractHeadlines of press, radio and television selected in this article, which correspond to Spanish news about the triennium 2009-2012, have been studied by means of a qualitative analysis and reaffirm that the last European legislative documents (2010-2012) on the infantile migration - where initiatives are proposed 'to safeguard the rights of the child '-do not give answer to what in Europe is considered to be 'the problems of the least migrants'. They do not manage to brake the clandestine expeditions, as states the testimonies of a hundred of African minors who have come in boats or small Indian canoes to the Canary coasts in the last six years.Palabras claveMigración infantil; legislación europea;cayuco; patera; reagrupación familiar; Programa de Estocolmo.KeywordsClandestine expeditions for seaway, infantile Migration, European legislation on migration, familiar regrouping, Program of Stockholm, European politics on migration.

At the beginning of the 1990s Greece, along with other European countries such as Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Ireland, was transformed from a country of emigration to a country of immigration. Since then, the phenomenon of migration in Greece constitutes the central topic of an endless debate amongst politicians, social scientists, the public and the media, which influences the perception, and most importantly the 'positions' and reactions of certain individuals and groups (to an unknown extent though), and consequently the state's control apparatus. The notions of ethnicity and migration have started to concern Greece and become intertwined with several other issues in the social sphere. Migration in Greece, as well as in other countries of the EU and generally the western, rich world, has been identified with a number of 'social problems'. Hence, there has been a general negative discourse about migrants and migration. The arrival of migrants has been often compared to unstoppable weather and natural phenomena or to invading hordes, their number has been described as a 'crisis', and their presence in a country has been discussed within the context of problems of integration and assimilation, unemployment, national insecurity, and crime. The London bombings of 7 July 2005 and the recent riots in the suburbs of Paris and other French cities fed debates of such nature. According to a recent Eurobarometer, immigration is a major cause of concern among the citizens of the 15 old member-states of the EU.

Globalisation studies claimed that Third World immigrants flock to world cities because of changed income distributions. On this argument, the increasingly hourglass‐shaped income structure of world cities, a product of global restructuring, creates self‐renewing demand for skilled and unskilled workers in those very world cities. Critics have already shown that this argument neglects the intermediary role of migration networks, and that, when account is taken of these networks, a basis exists for explaining why migrations to world cities continue and even accelerate despite deteriorating economic conditions in the destinations. This paper addresses the role of ethnic economies in this perplexing process, arguing that ethnic economies buffer migrations from deteriorating economic conditions in the reception cities. This buffer expands effective demand for immigrant workers while guaranteeing pre‐migrants still at home employment and housing in the destinations prior to their actual departure. Assuming continuing immigration, a given of globalisation, the buffer itself is finally saturated after a lag. When combined with loss of local political toleration, which accompanies increasing poverty among migrants, the buffer's economic saturation finally diverts the migration network to lesser cities of the urban hierarchy where the process of mainstream saturation – buffer expansion – buffer saturation – dispersal repeats. The durability of buffer economies in localities does not depend only on economic conditions. Local political toleration of buffer economies importantly affects the durability of the immigration buffer in any city. To this extent, immigration policy is in the hands of cities, not of states.

Globalisation studies claimed that Third World immigrants flock to world cities because of changed income distributions. On this argument, the increasingly hourglass-shaped income structure of world cities, a product of global restructuring, creates self-renewing demand for skilled and unskilled workers in those very world cities. Critics have already shown that this argument neglects the intermediary role of migration networks, and that, when account is taken of these networks, a basis exists for explaining why migrations to world cities continue and even accelerate despite deteriorating economic conditions in the destinations. This paper addresses the role of ethnic economies in this perplexing process, arguing that ethnic economies buffer migrations from deteriorating economic conditions in the reception cities. This buffer expands effective demand for immigrant workers while guaranteeing pre-migrants still at home employment and housing in the destinations prior to their actual departure. Assuming continuing immigration, a given of globalisation, the buffer itself is finally saturated after a lag. When combined with loss of local political toleration, which accompanies increasing poverty among migrants, the buffer's economic saturation finally diverts the migration network to lesser cities of the urban hierarchy where the process of mainstream saturation - buffer expansion - buffer saturation - dispersal repeats. The durability of buffer economies in localities does not depend only on economic conditions. Local political toleration of buffer economies importantly affects the durability of the immigration buffer in any city. To this extent, immigration policy is in the hands of cities, not of states. (Original abstract)

While the `trafficking in persons' is a problem that has long plagued the international community, sensationalized media coverage and governmental anti-organized crime initiatives have produced a new set of discursive practices that conflate violent crime against women with complex forms of post-communist gendered migration. These discourses refer to many different forms of exploitation and migration as `trafficking in women for purposes of sexual exploitation'. In other words, they portray all international, often illegal, migration and labour as acts of violated gender and raced innocence and of international organized crime. In this frame, criminalization of all activities related to trafficking appears to be the most logical and effective means of redressing this problem. It simultaneously, however, subjects all East European migrant sex workers to categorizations that defuse what may function as the challenges presented by their sovereign and symbolic boundary transgressions. A focus on crime and violated borders (rather than on the conditions under which women migrate or are forced to work) extends barriers to migration and renders it more dangerous for women while not necessarily hindering movement or assisting the actual victims. Because it emphasizes the role of state-based institutions in fighting international organized crime, criminalization also serves as a means through which practices of `statecraft' work to reiterate the privileged place of the state in IR. As such, discourses of sex-trafficking provide a particularly incisive site at which to examine European integration, immigration, `globalization' and their effects on IR in a gendered and race-cognizant frame.

Résumé De Guibfrt-Lantoine Catherine. — Estimations de population par département en France entre deux recensements. Entre les recensements, les populations des départements français sont évaluées chaque année a partir des données sur le mouvement naturel, connues avec précision, et des soldes migratoires par département, estimés par prolongation des tendances migratoires antérieures. Cette méthode approximative donne des résultats de qualité variable la comparaison des estimations ainsi obtenues avec les populations recensées, en 1982, a en effet fait apparaitre des erreurs importantes dans certains départements, en particulier en Ile-de-France Le propos de cet article est donc, après un constat sur la précision des estimations en France, d'étudier les méthodes utilisées aux Etats-Unis, puis d'évaluer les améliorations à attendre de l'application de l'une d'entre elles en France La méthode retenue consiste à évaluer la migration totale à partir de la migration scolaire on suppose en effet que la relation observée dans chaque département entre les deux taux correspondants, pour la période intercensitaire précédente, reste constante dans le temps; on calcule alors le taux de migration scolaire de la période étudiée pour en déduire la migration totale de chaque département Cette méthode a été appliquée a l'ensemble des départements français pour la période 1975-1982, et donne, dans l'ensemble, une meilleure précision La définition de conditions préalables a son application, ainsi que la limitation à certains départements améliorent encore sensiblement la qualité des résultats bile peut constituer alors un complément utile aux méthodes d'évaluation de l'INbbb.

What can be learned about the European migration crisis by studying it at its margins? Framed by this question and premised on evidence collected during four months of field research in a central Italian province, the paper investigates the governance transformations engendered by the migration crisis through a study of the Extraordinary Reception Centres (CAS) set up by the Italian government to host asylum seekers across its territory. The paper builds upon Dikeç's (2009) conceptualisation of the "where" of asylum to map their legal and geographical location within the EU border regime, and engages with current debates on EU borders a) to highlight the centrality of marginal locations such as Macerata to the functioning of the EU border regime, arguing that CAS are central to such regime as they confirm its humanitarian pretences b) to intervene on debates concerned with the spatiality of EU borders, arguing that greater analytical attention should be given to their territorial configurations c) to evidence the neoliberal character of the governance transformations engendered by the crisis, beyond their migration management function. Border management is an engine of state transformation. The paper highlights the all-pervasiveness of neoliberalism in this process and the weakening of democratic accountability that accompanies it. It suggests, on these bases, that what can be learned about the European migration crisis by studying it at its margins, is that the governance transformations it has engendered invest migrants and non-migrants alike, offering two reflections in this respect.

Gewalttätige Konflikte, wie etwa Bürgerkriege oder Revolutionen, sind Momente, in denen soziale Spannungen innerhalb einer Gesellschaft sichtbar werden. Die Ethnologie beschäftigt sich seit ihren Ursprüngen damit, wie Konflikte in unterschiedlichen Gemeinschaften entstehen und welche Auswirkungen sie haben. Wenn in Asylverfahren über Schutzbedürftigkeit und Bleiberecht von Geflüchteten entschieden wird, sind Ethnolog:innen daher beratend tätig. Sie unterstützen die Verfahrensbeteiligten dabei, die Macht- und Kräfteverhältnisse in den Herkunftsländern zu verstehen und einzuordnen. Denn nur so lässt sich beurteilen, warum Menschen aus ihrer Heimat flüchten.Sophie Roche gibt Studierenden der Ethnologie, Konfliktsoziolog:innen und Politikwissenschaftler:innen, aber auch Richter:innen und wissenschaftlichen Richterassistent:innen mit ihrem Buch das passende Rüstzeug an die Hand, indem sie die Grundlagen der sozialanthropologischen Konfliktforschung vorstellt, Begrifflichkeiten schärft (was ist eine Rebellion, eine Fehde o.ä.?) und diese in Beispiele aus aktuellen Asylverfahren einbettet

Why everyone can't just get along -- Three ways diverse societies fail -- How to keep the peace -- What role should the state play? -- Can patriotism be a force for good? -- Must the many become one? -- Can we build a meaningfully shared life? -- Reasons for optimism -- Demography isn't destiny -- Policies that can help.