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National audience ; In the 1270s the Mage, a bourgeois family in integration with the nobility, had a rich house built in Lagrasse. It shows its new social status by a hall realized in the fashionable Gothic style : carved decoration of the windows coming from the site of the cathedral of Carcassonne ; Ceiling painted mixing French and Hispanic influences. The currently visible part of the painted decoration shows geometric patterns and fantastic animals alternating with armed riders. The heraldic decoration, realized around 1278-1279 maybe by a workshop of Carcassonne, reflects the political and social situation. It evokes the war won in 1277 by France on the Castile for Navarre. Are represented kings involved in the conflict, barons of the Carcassonne' Seneschalsy and members of the Mage family probably mobilized in this war. This decoration is an exceptional testimony to the patrician houses of the end of the 13th century and the dynamism of a city in full expansion. ; En la década de 1270 els Mage, una familia burguesa en el proceso de integración a la nobleza, se hizo construir un hogar rico en Lagrasse. Se manifiesta su nuevo estatus social de una sala de recepción hecha en el estilo gótico en la moda : decoración tallada de las ventanas desde el obra de la catedral de Carcasona ; techo pintado mezclando influencias francesas e hispánicas. Actualmente la parte visible de la decoración pintada muestra motivos geométricos y animales fantásticos que alternan con jinetes armados. La decoración heráldica, hecha alrededor de 1278-1279 quiso por un taller de Carcasona, refleja la situación política y social. Se refirió a la guerra ganada en 1277 por Francia contra Castilla para la posesión de Navarra. Son representados soberanos involucrados en el conflicto, barones de la senescalía de Carcasona y miembros de la familia Mage probablemente movilizados en esta guerra. Esta decoración es un testimonio excepcional de las casas patricias de finales del siglo XIII y el dinamismo de una ciudad en crecimiento. ; Dans les années 1270 les Mage, une famille bourgeoise en cours d'intégration à la noblesse, se fait construire une riche maison à Lagrasse. Elle manifeste son nouveau rang social par une salle de réception réalisée dans le style gothique à la mode : décor sculpté des fenêtres provenant du chantier de la cathédrale de Carcassonne ; plafond peint mêlant influences françaises et hispaniques. La partie actuellement visible du décor peint montre des motifs géométriques et des animaux fantastiques alternant avec des cavaliers en armes. Le décor héraldique, réalisé vers 1278-1279 peut-être par un atelier carcassonnais, traduit la situation politique et sociale. Il évoque la guerre gagnée en 1277 par la France sur la Castille pour la Navarre. Sont ainsi représentés des souverains impliqués dans le conflit, des barons de la sénéchaussée de Carcassonne et des membres de la famille Mage probablement mobilisés dans cette guerre. Ce décor est un témoignage exceptionnel sur les maisons patriciennes de la fin du XIIIe siècle et le dynamisme d'une ville en pleine expansion.

On August 23, 1857, Caen opened the channel that replaces the Orne river to connect its port to the sea creating new opportunities. Its elites supporting the project aren't disappointed by the result. This "tool" allows Caen city to bring out a commercial flair and re birth Basse Normandy iron ore mining around 1875. A German entrepreneur, Baron Thyssen, invests himself in these new opportunities. He participated in defining a new way of producing Steel and Cast Iron: Coastal Siderurgy, taking advantage of local exploitation of iron ore and imports of English coal. The plant is located at the edge of the canal, in the suburbs of Caen. In addition of this triptych, the "Société Navale Caennaise" was created in 1903. It ensures the imports of hard coal for energy needs, and the export of manufactured products. Nevertheless, it does not transform Caen into an industrial port city. During the second half of the XXe century and after evolving during a century, the channel loses a part of its purpose with the disappearance of the "pillars" of port activity. Its futur is still able to federate local economic and political actors essentially based on tourism, which contemporary constitute the basis of its activity, at the estuary of the channel in Ouistreham. This study that describes 160 years of activity, the couple constitued by the canal and the port has not revolutionised the city but who has always managed to evolve regardless of the changes to continue existing. ; Le 23 août 1857, Caen inaugure le canal qui se substitue à l'Orne pour relier son port à la mer. Une nouvelle vie s'ouvre. Ses élites ne s'y sont pas trompées en soutenant ardemment le projet. Cet "outil" permet à Caen d'affirmer une dimension commerciale et à la Basse-Normandie d'engager un renouveau industriel basé sur des gisements de minerai de fer dont l'exploitation reprend vers 1875. Ces nouvelles possibilités intéressent un entrepreneur allemand, le baron Thyssen. Il contribue à créer le premier complexe de sidérurgie sur l'eau, fondé sur l'exploitation du minerai local, les importations de houille anglaise et la fabrication d'acier et de fonte. L'usine est implantée au bord du canal, dans la périphérie de Caen. Pour compléter ce triptyque, la Société Navale Caennaise est créée en 1903. Elle assure le transport des importations de houille, pour les besoins en énergie, et l'expédition des produits fabriqués. Cela ne transforme pas Caen qui ne devient pas une ville-port industrielle. Après s'être adapté durant plus d'un siècle, le canal perd une partie de sa raison d'être avec la disparition des "piliers" de l'activité portuaire pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Son devenir parvient à fédérer les acteurs économiques et les élites politiques pour lui créer un nouvel avenir fondé, essentiellement, sur le tourisme qui constitue aujourd'hui la base de son activité, à Ouistreham, à l'embouchure du canal. Au terme d'une étude qui retrace 160 ans d'activité, le canal et le port constituent un couple qui n'a pas révolutionné la ville mais qui a toujours réussi à s'adapter aux évolutions pour continuer à exister.

Англо-ирландский договор завершил Войну за независимость Ирландии (1919-1921), но само соглашение положило начало размежеванию внутри не только ирландской революционной элиты, но и остального населения. Поэтому исследование последующей Ирландской гражданской войны (1922-1923) не должно ограничиваться изучением основных противоборствующих сил и ведущихся ими боевых действий. Анализ деятельности неосновных участников конфликта становится все актуальнее в связи со слабой изученностью этой стороны Ирландской гражданской войны. В ирландской историографии существует множество работ по теме Гражданской войны, однако в них не уделяется должного внимания изучению опыта посреднической деятельности для урегулирования конфликта. Попытки к примирению в течение всей Ирландской гражданской войны исходили от многих организаций, однако урегулирование такой бескомпромиссной борьбы за политическую и государственную власть в стране представляло собой чрезвычайно сложную задачу. Главным барьером в этом деле стало недоверие двух конфликтующих сторон не только по отношению друг к другу, но и к активности посредников, что в свою очередь отражалось на общественном мнении. В таких условиях медиативная деятельность Ассоциации нейтральных членов бывшей Ирландской республиканской армии, или Нейтральной ИРА, имевшей потенциал к успеху своей миссии благодаря заявлениям об их нейтральности и беспристрастности, была обречена на провал. Но, несмотря на это, инициативы подобных организаций и отдельных деятелей в пользу завершения конфликта изменяли атмосферу в стране и формировали гражданскую позицию в молодом Ирландском Свободном государстве. Данные выводы основаны на материалах ирландской и британской периодической печати. ; The Irish War of Independence ended with the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The agreement itself, however, marked the beginning of a division not only inside the Irish revolutionary elite, but also among the rest of the Irish population. Therefore, a research into the Irish Civil War that followed in 1922-1923 should not be limited to the study of the key opposing forces and their fighting. An analysis of the role of indirect participants of this conflict is becoming more important due to the insufficient study of this aspect of the Irish Civil War. Irish historiography includes a large number of works on the Irish Civil War; however, they do not pay due attention to the experience of intermediary activity to solve the conflict. Attempts of reconciliation throughout the Irish Civil War were made by many organizations, but ending this uncompromising struggle for political and state power in the country was an extremely difficult task. The main barrier in this case was the distrust of the two parties to the conflict towards each other and towards intermediaries, which in its turn affected the public opinion. Therefore, in such circumstances, mediative activity of the Association of Neutral Members of the Irish Republican Army, or Neutral IRA, which had real potential to succeed in its mission due to the statements about their neutrality and impartiality, was doomed to failure. However, in spite of this, initiatives of such organizations and individual activists aiming to end the conflict contributed to changes in the atmosphere within the country and formed civic mindedness in the young Irish Free State. These conclusions are based on the materials of Irish and British periodicals.

Milton Friedman was one of the most influential and controversial actors in the debates on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and, more generally, in the 20th century public debate. Through an inquiry on the concept of CSR and Friedman's moral theory, our thesis examines his position on CSR. In doing so, we contribute to the clarification of the neoliberal moral theory and conception of CSR. Milton Friedman's basic moral theory has rarely been studied in detail, which partly explains the lack of consensus on Friedman's conception of CSR. We begin this thesis by clarifying the concept of social responsibility and by defending a moralized version of this concept. We then propose two readings of Friedman's writings on CSR. We argue that the main message of these writings is that the efficient realization of a wide range of societal projects requires that individuals rationally pursue their conception of the good within an institutional framework consisting of coercive and non-coercive rules. Finally, we compare several readings of Friedman's moral and political theory and argue in favour of the superiority of a left-wing reading of this theory. Combined with our concept of social responsibility, this reading implies that the members of a society like ours behave in a socially responsible way by ensuring that they accomplish (at least some of) the actions that are (1) beyond the law and (2) required by an opportunity prioritarianism. ; Milton Friedman fut un des acteurs les plus influents et les plus controversés du débat sur la responsabilité sociale des entreprises et, plus généralement, du débat public du second 20ème siècle. Au moyen d'une enquête consacrée au concept de responsabilité sociale ainsi qu'à la théorie morale de Friedman, notre thèse examine sa position au sujet de la responsabilité sociale des entreprises. Ce faisant, nous contribuons à l'élucidation de cet incontournable des débats contemporains qu'est le néolibéralisme. La théorie morale fondamentale de Milton Friedman a été très peu étudiée en détail et cette carence de la littérature académique explique en partie que celle-ci soit divisée sur la question de savoir quelle est la conception friedmanienne de la RSE. L'ambiguïté du concept de responsabilité sociale y est également pour beaucoup et cette thèse commence par défendre un concept de responsabilité sociale. Nous proposons ensuite deux lectures des écrits consacrés par Friedman à la RS des entreprises et, en fait, des individus. Nous soutenons que le message principal de ces écrits est que la réalisation efficace d'une vaste gamme de projets de société requiert que les individus poursuivent rationnellement leur conception du bien au sein d'un cadre institutionnel composé de règles coercitives et non-coercitives visant notamment la mise en œuvre du mécanisme du marché. Enfin, nous confrontons plusieurs lectures d'ensemble de la théorie morale et politique de Friedman et nous argumentons en faveur de la supériorité d'une lecture de gauche de cette théorie. Combinée à notre concept de responsabilité sociale, cette lecture implique que les membres d'une société politique comme la société belge actuelle se conduisent de manière socialement responsable en prenant soin de conformer (au moins jusqu'à un certain point) leur conduite extra-légale aux réquisits d'un prioritarisme des opportunités de bien-être. ; (FILO - Philosophie) -- UCL, 2016

In recent years, universities have begun to play an active role in the development of technologies and products that promote local development. However, in order to carry out this kind of activities successfully, it is necessary the cooperation of all parties to carry out this type of activity is necessary. therefore, some knowledge management models emerge allowing enterprise-university-government-community integration in physical spaces that facilitate the free exchange of ideas flow, the magazine of academic and business experience; scientific and technological parks (PCT). This research aims to design a proposal for a model of this type of organization, based on fractal analysis, through consideration as complex objects; allowing the generation of new parameters of thought, based on relationships hologramáticas consider the planning and land-use planning as a political, social, economic, fractality in the ongoing search for a sustainable relationship between development and space. From a neo-positivist approach, public policies are characterized by contrasting the different views of the actors involved. The diagnosis made becomes undeniable, the requirement for greater coordination of state organizations. It is generated finally, the design of a PCT considering two approaches: the first, a new management model innovation designed based on the contributions of the Model of the Triple Helix (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff, 2000) and Tetrahedron Model innovation (Echeverria, 2006); the second, the basic design of a project with an urban morphology PCT product of fractal geometry ; En los últimos años las universidades han comenzado a jugar un papel activo en el desarrollo de tecnologías y productos que fomenten el desarrollo lo­cal; sin embargo, para llevar a cabo con éxito este tipo de actividades, es necesaria la colabo­ración de todas las partes, por lo que, surgen modelos de gestión de conocimiento que permiten la integración empresa-universidad-gobierno-comunidad, en espacios físicos que facilitan el intercambio libre del flujo de ideas, el compartimiento de la experiencia académica y de negocio; los parques científico-tecnológicos (PCT). La presente investigación, pretende diseñar una propuesta de modelo de este tipo de organización, con fundamento en el análisis de los fractales, a través de su consideración como objetos complejos; permitiendo la generación de nuevos parámetros de pensamiento, basados en relaciones hologramáticas que consideren el ordenamiento y planificación del territorio como una fractalidad política, social, económica, en la búsqueda permanente de una relación sustentable entre desarrollo y espacio. Desde un enfoque neopositivista, se caracterizan políticas públicas, contrastando las diferentes visiones de los actores involucrados. El diagnóstico realizado hace innegable, el requerimiento de una mayor articulación de las organizaciones del Estado. Se genera por último, el diseño de un PCT considerando dos enfoques: el primero, un modelo novedoso de gestión de la innovación concebido en base a los aportes del Modelo de la Triple Hélice (Etzkowitz y Leydesdorff, 2000) y el Modelo Tetraédrico de la Innovación (Echeverría, 2006); el segundo, el proyecto básico de diseño de un PCT con una morfología urbana producto de la geometría fractal.

The administration of the King's Buildings in the 18th century is an institution in the service of the King under administrative supervision of Maison du Roi. It administers the building, the maintenance and upkeep of the King's residences and properties such as the Château de Versailles, Fontainebleau, Saint-Germain, Marly, and Compiègne. In this respect, some academies like those of architecture, painting and sculpture, depend on it. One can also quote as examples the Manufacture des Gobelins and de la Savonnerie. The administration also includes the Departments of the Machine de Marly, of the drains in Trappes and in Saclay, those of the marbles and the plants nurseries. The evolution from the Superintendency to the Direction under the Duc d'Antin (1708-1726) has consequences on the power of the Director mainly, who loses his financial prerogatives in relation to the superintendent. Even if the bureaucratic organisation is strengthened and rationalised indeed, the modifications are mostly due to the budget problems met by the monarchy that urged for savings and impeded the initial missions of the administration.This thesis studies the way a central administration works in the age of the Enlightenment, focusing on the administrative, economic, politic and social areas. Through a study of the accountancy, it puts forth the functioning and organisation of an administration that is becoming a bureaucracy as well as a political tool, particularly for the Directors who work for the King. The dissertation also sets forth a study of the personnel and their daily tasks, having to deal with administrative procedures, the influence of the Court and financial difficulties. ; L'administration des Bâtiments du Roi au XVIIIème siècle est une institution au service du monarque sous la tutelle de la Maison du Roi. Elle a en charge la construction, l'entretien et la réparation des résidences et bâtiments royaux comme les châteaux de Versailles, Fontainebleau, Saint-Germain, Marly, Compiègne entre autres. A ce titre, certaines académies comme celles d'architecture, de peinture et sculpture et de France à Rome en dépendent, ainsi que les manufactures des Gobelins et de la Savonnerie. Des départements plus spécialisés comme la machine de Marly, les rigoles de Trappes et Saclay, les marbres, les pépinières en font aussi partie. Le passage de la surintendance à la direction des Bâtiments du Roi sous le duc d'Antin (1708-1726) a des conséquences essentiellement sur le pouvoir du Directeur qui perd ses prérogatives au niveau financier par rapport au surintendant. Si l'organisation bureaucratique se consolide et se rationalise, les changements sont surtout liés aux difficultés budgétaires de la monarchie qui poussent aux économies et perturbent les missions d'origine de l'administration. Il s'agit d'une étude à la fois administrative, économique, politique et sociale qui expose le fonctionnement d'une administration centrale au siècle des Lumières. La thèse présente à travers l'étude de la comptabilité, le fonctionnement et l'organisation d'une administration qui se bureaucratise tout en étant un outil politique, particulièrement pour les Directeurs qui travaillent avec le Roi. Elle présente aussi une étude du personnel et de son travail quotidien entre procédures administratives, influences de la cour et difficultés financières.

One strand of current conflict research claims that military victories are beneficial for peace. It is argued that these outcomes produce more unified post-conflict societies, thereby facilitating reconstruction and economic development. The implication of this view is that, instead of encouraging negotiated settlements, international actors should either support one side to victory or allow a conflict to run its course. This briefing paper argues that the case for "peace by victory" is weaker than supporters claim. The most successful conflict resolutions address their root causes and involve a broad range of stakeholders. A quick glance at all civil war terminations since 1946 seems to suggest that military victories are slightly more stabilizing than other outcomes. Rough comparisons, however, are insufficient for drawing conclusions or offering policy advice. A full review of the context and content of peacebuilding reveals a very different picture. Focusing only on military victories and peace agreements ignores the most common outcome of civil strife: an ongoing contest between belligerents, albeit with a limited use of force. On average, the civil wars that ended with peace agreements lasted eight times longer than those that were terminated through a military victory. Indeed, a one-sided victory almost only occurs when fighting is counted in days or months rather than years. This indicates that protracted conflicts are unlikely to end if allowed to run their course and that negotiations are the only way to end a long-running war. Differences in conflict duration mean that the challenges for reconstruction are substantially greater after negotiated settlements than after military victories. International actors seeking to contribute to the rebuilding that follows peace agreements are faced with societies with more victims and divisions, and greater physical destruction. Regardless of how a conflict ended, the most important factor for post-conflict stability is the orderly demobilization of former fighters. After a war, it is also imperative for the underlying grievances to be addressed through non-violent policies such as offering the vanquished side the opportunity to form a political party and/or share power in the government. Long-term success in conflict management calls for dismantling troop mobilization structures as well as those used for repression. This includes ensuring that both the army and militias return to the barracks and come under official civilian control. External actors can best contribute by helping to create outlets where grievances can be aired and addressed peaceably. Although it is very important to reduce violence quickly, armed belligerents must not be seen as the sole representatives of conflicting views. The following recommendations can be drawn from this paper: – Talks about the issues are the only realistic outcome of a protracted conflict. – Conflict negotiations should not only involve the violent parties but also other non-violent, legitimate stakeholders. – While peace negotiations must be held in a central location, local efforts to promote intra-societal trust also need to be initiated and supported. Many potential peace-process spoilers are less concerned with the terms of a national agreement than with their immediate local security.

The US-led invasion of Iraq in early 2003 and the subsequent disintegration of sectarian relations within Iraq since 2006 has driven unprecedented displacement in the Middle Eastern region, as Iraqis have fled Baghdad and other centres of violence in droves and searched for safer living conditions in neighbouring states. The urban nature of this refugee crisis challenges host-states and humanitarian agencies such as the UNHCR to create flexible policies that can engage with and provide for impoverished Iraqi refugees in an urban context. This issue is particularly pertinent in the Syrian Arab Republic, which currently hosts the vast majority of Iraqi refugees. Although Syria is not a signatory of the Geneva Convention or the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, it has nevertheless taken a unique and interesting approach to the refugee crisis which is important to examine. Due to their disastrous experience with Palestinian refugees and lack of international aid, Syria defines Iraqis fleeing Iraq as 'guests' of Syria rather than 'refugees'. Indeed, an integral part of Syria's response to this influx of refugees has been use of a flexible 'informal' policy; although Syria has no official 'refugee' policy, it has nevertheless manipulated their 'guest' policy and inconsistent enforcement of this and other policies to create a multifaceted response to the Iraqi refugees. This paper examines both formal and informal Syrian policy in order to assess their response to an influx of over one million Iraqi refugees over the past seven years. It suggests that Syrian informal policy was largely successful in providing humanitarian aid- free schooling and healthcare, for example-to Iraqi refugees during the first two years of the crisis. However, their informal policy was dependent on government and public goodwill, and the same flexibility that allowed some Iraqis to work in the informal sector also left them extremely vulnerable once this goodwill diminished as a result of the increasing burden refugees placed on the Syrian state. As the number of Iraqis seeking asylum in Syria exploded in 2006, the Syrian state departed from generously open policies and increasingly restricted entry of Iraqis and the access to services they received once within Syrian borders. This paper examines both Syria's justification for this change and the implications for Iraqi refugees, concluding with several recommendations for ways the Government of Syria, the UNHCR and the international community can act to ensure the future protection of these refugees in a durable and sustainable way. These recommendations include: The necessity for all parties to resist political pressure to create 'speedy solutions', especially in the case of mass repatriation plans; The need for all regional governments and major humanitarian agencies and NGOs to cooperate and work towards regional agreements; The duty of the international community to continue to focus on this crisis, to provide more international aid to Syria, and to provide more resettlement options for Iraqi refugees; Most importantly, the necessity of creating a more formal protection policy and legal framework for Iraqi refugees within Syria.

Анализируется необходимость сближения налоговых систем стран, обусловленная усилением в мире интеграционных процессов и налоговой конкуренцией между странами. Рассмотрены основные типы сближения налоговых систем. Исследуется сущность понятия «гармонизация», взаимосвязь и взаимозависимость гармонизации налогов и налогового законодательства. Анализируется пример гармонизации НДС в странах ЕС, современное состояние гармонизации данного налога в этом международном объединении. Сделаны выводы о направлениях гармонизации налогов в странах, входящих в международные объединения либо стремящихся в них войти. ; Global trends towards globalization and integration in addition to obvious positive events are associated with certain dangers. National economies have become increasingly interdependent. Thus, measures of economic regulation undertaken by the government of one country affect the economic policies of other countries. As a consequence, political and economic pressure on third parties may occur. Moreover the simplification of tax and customs control can lead to the growth of tax competition and fraudulent schemes with taxes. Subsequently countries will experience the loss of tax revenue, the emergence of internal conflicts and international tensions. The solution to these problems can be found in interaction of national tax systems. Such an interaction of the tax systems of the countries can take several forms: convergence, cooperation, coordination, and harmonization. Each of them has its own features, in particular in part of sovereign rights limitations and the degree of supranational institutions" involvement in the process. As for the taxes harmonization is quite a common kind of interaction between countries. One should clearly distinguish between the harmonization of tax legislation and the tax harmonisation. The first one is the research subject of legal science, whereas the second one is examined by financial and economic sciences. At the same time, they are closely related: tax harmonization leads to changes of tax elements in the countries, and the harmonization of tax legislation reflects these changes in the legal field. In turn, tax harmonization cannot be implemented in practice if it or its provisions are contrary to the regulatory framework in place.Currently, the most vivid example of the tax harmonization is a VAT harmonisation, carried out in the EU. This tax is of significant fiscal importance not only in this international association, but also in more than 50% countries of the world. Thus the EU experience in this regard is useful. Although VAT harmonization in the EU is carried out since 1967, one cannot say that the process is completed. However, further harmonization of the tax is associated with the loss authority and may limit sovereignty of Member Countries. Therefore, at the present stage of EU development VAT harmonization of new Member Countries and the harmonization of corporate and income taxes are in progress. Overall, the experience of VAT harmonization is of a great interest to countries seeking to enter the international associations, as well as for new members of such associations. It provides an opportunity to assess the problems associated with such a process, its advantages and flaws, and to develop plans for the implementation of the certain taxes" harmonization within a given association.

In dieser Masterthesis wird anhand von historischer und aktueller Medienbeobach-tung und von Interviews untersucht, inwiefern sich die Kommunikation zwischen Landespolitikern, Kommunalpolitikern, der Presse und letztendlich der Bevölkerung in Bezug auf Gemeindefusionen geändert hat. Die Verfasserin analysierte Zeitun-gen, Radio, Fernsehen und Meldungen im Internet. Die erste Welle der Gemeinde-zusammenlegungen wurde in den 1960-iger Jahren unter Landeshauptmann Josef Krainer sen. vollzogen, damals wurden mehr als 1000 Gemeinden auf fast die Hälfte reduziert. Bei den Landtagswahlen 2010 ging die SPÖ als Sieger hervor und gemeinsam mit der ÖVP kündigten der Landeshauptmann und sein Stellvertreter dann im Frühjahr 2011 eine Gemeindestrukturreform an. Die Zahl der steirischen Gemeinden sollte reduziert werden, bis Jänner 2015 wurden tatsächlich die 542 Verwaltungseinheiten zu 287 Gemeinden fusioniert. Dieser Prozess schürte zum einen Unmut in der Be-völkerung, aber er sorgte auch für positive Reaktionen bei den Bürgern. Es ging aber auch so weit, dass sich Bürgermeister der Koalitionsparteien gegen ihre Par-teispitzen auflehnten. In den Medien wurde vor allem von Kommunikationslöchern zwischen den so genannten Reformpartnern (Landeshauptmann Mag. Franz Voves und LH-Stv. Hermann Schützenhöfer) und der Bevölkerung bzw. den Bürgermeis-tern gesprochen. Die Strukturreform begann mit der Zusammenlegung von einzel-nen Bezirken, dann folgten zwei Pioniergemeinden in der Obersteiermark und in der Oststeiermark: am 1.1.2013 schlossen sich Trofaiach mit Hafning und Gai zusam-men, und auch Buch-Geiseldorf mit St. Magdalena am Lemberg. Im Jänner 2015 waren dann alle Gemeindefusionen vollzogen. Diese Umstellung wurde von zahlrei-chen Medienberichten begleitet. Diese Berichte werden in dieser Masterthesis do-kumentiert und analysiert, genau so wie die politische Zukunft der verantwortlichen Reformer. ; This masters thesis provides an overview of the media coverage of the municipality fusions ("Gemeindefusionen") that occurred in the southern Austrian province of Styria, from the consolidations in 1969-1970 up to the reforms in 2015. By examin-ing the relevant media accounts of these events, the author analyzes and contrasts the styles of communication between politicians, media and citizens that character-ized the two eras.In the late 60s, Governor Josef Krainer condensed 1000 communities down to 500, a structure which remained basically intact for almost 50 years. In Spring 2011, the Govenor Franz Voves announced a total structural reform of the province of Styria, with the goal of combining 542 villages into 288 counties. Not all members of the Styrian government were pleased about these plans. The people affected were ei-ther completely dissatisfied with the proposed fusions or positively driven by the way of restructuring their counties. There was extensive media coverage criticizing the lack of communication between the so-called "Reform partners" (i.e. Governor Franz Voves and his Deputy Hermann Schützenhöfer) and the people, with many mayors even complaining vociferously about the heads of their own parties. This masters thesis analyzes the styles of communicating, during the period of Governor Josef Krainer and the era of Governor Franz Voves and reflects the political future of both persons. And the summary shows the phenomena of consolidations in the future.The mergers were carried out in a stepwise manner. First, some provinces were po-litically connected, then there were two villages in Upper Styria and in the East of Styria, who are announced as pioneer communities: the fusion of the city of Trofai-ach, Hafning and Gai was accomplished on 1st of January 2013, also the smaller villages of Buch-Geiseldorf and St. Magdalena am Lemberg were politically assem-bled at this date. By January 2015 all municipality fusions have been finished in Styria, accompanied by dozens of news articles. ; Bettina Zajac-Thelen ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2016 ; (VLID)1255752

Исследуются истоки программы «Союз ради прогресса» в инициативе Ж. Кубичека. Анализируются предпосылки возникновения концепции президента Бразилии, дается ее характеристика, отмечаются черты, ставшие основой программы Дж. Кеннеди. В результате сравнения бразильской и американской программы преобразований делается вывод о наследовании идей Кубичека программой «Союз ради прогресса». Наряду с родством политических программ отмечается и принципиальное различие в методах и целях решения межамериканских проблем. ; In 1961, under new foreign policy of the United States toward the countries of Latin America, the program called "Alliance for Progress" was adopted. Despite the unprecedented scale of Kennedy administration approach, the principles underlying it, were not unique. With an eclectic nature, the program concentrated upon the ideas developed in the past decade within the walls of the White House and intellectual society of the United States, as well as outside the country. Along with the United States in the late 1950s, Latin American countries made attempts to develop a new approach to the cooperation arrangement in the region. One of the concepts, aimed at overcoming the crisis of Pan-American relations, belonged to J. Kubitschek (1956-1961). This article explores the origin of the "Alliance for Progress" initiative of the Brazilian president, known as the "Pan-American operation". The paper examines the pre-conditions for the concept emergence, considering its contents, marking the traits, which became the basis of John. F. Kennedy program. Also, the study highlights the process of cooperation between the countries of Latin America and the United States during the discussion of the project objectives; also the tasks and objectives of the parties are defined. Number of sources analysis allows the author to come to the following conclusions. Despite the fact that the project of the President of Brazil was not implemented, it set the ideas which were adapted in the United States, taking into account their own interests; they were brought into practice in Kennedy's policy, becoming the basis for a large-scale program called "Alliance for Progress". The program of development and assistance to the countries of Latin America kept an ideological base, proposed by the president of Brazil. The "Alliance for progress" as the plan of Kubitschek, was based on the mechanism of attracting foreign aid to enhance the economic growth of less developed partner due to the help of the leading country presented by the United States. Besides solving economical problems, the plan was aimed to make inter-American relations more harmonious. Comparison of Latin American project to transform relationship and realized program "Alliance for progress "gives an opportunity to talk about the difference in approaches of the United States and Latin America to solve the issues of cooperation. It's obvious that the USA is eager to solve the political issues, while the Latin American partner focuses on social and economic development of the region. It's also clear that the USA tends to totally control the process of decisions developing, making and implementing, manifested in the work at the projects "Pan-American operation" and "Alliance for progress" in spite of the independence of Latin American countries, which demonstrated willingness to solve their problems actively.

The administration of the King's Buildings in the 18th century is an institution in the service of the King under administrative supervision of Maison du Roi. It administers the building, the maintenance and upkeep of the King's residences and properties such as the Château de Versailles, Fontainebleau, Saint-Germain, Marly, and Compiègne. In this respect, some academies like those of architecture, painting and sculpture, depend on it. One can also quote as examples the Manufacture des Gobelins and de la Savonnerie. The administration also includes the Departments of the Machine de Marly, of the drains in Trappes and in Saclay, those of the marbles and the plants nurseries. The evolution from the Superintendency to the Direction under the Duc d'Antin (1708-1726) has consequences on the power of the Director mainly, who loses his financial prerogatives in relation to the superintendent. Even if the bureaucratic organisation is strengthened and rationalised indeed, the modifications are mostly due to the budget problems met by the monarchy that urged for savings and impeded the initial missions of the administration.This thesis studies the way a central administration works in the age of the Enlightenment, focusing on the administrative, economic, politic and social areas. Through a study of the accountancy, it puts forth the functioning and organisation of an administration that is becoming a bureaucracy as well as a political tool, particularly for the Directors who work for the King. The dissertation also sets forth a study of the personnel and their daily tasks, having to deal with administrative procedures, the influence of the Court and financial difficulties. ; L'administration des Bâtiments du Roi au XVIIIème siècle est une institution au service du monarque sous la tutelle de la Maison du Roi. Elle a en charge la construction, l'entretien et la réparation des résidences et bâtiments royaux comme les châteaux de Versailles, Fontainebleau, Saint-Germain, Marly, Compiègne entre autres. A ce titre, certaines académies comme celles d'architecture, de peinture et sculpture et de France à Rome en dépendent, ainsi que les manufactures des Gobelins et de la Savonnerie. Des départements plus spécialisés comme la machine de Marly, les rigoles de Trappes et Saclay, les marbres, les pépinières en font aussi partie. Le passage de la surintendance à la direction des Bâtiments du Roi sous le duc d'Antin (1708-1726) a des conséquences essentiellement sur le pouvoir du Directeur qui perd ses prérogatives au niveau financier par rapport au surintendant. Si l'organisation bureaucratique se consolide et se rationalise, les changements sont surtout liés aux difficultés budgétaires de la monarchie qui poussent aux économies et perturbent les missions d'origine de l'administration. Il s'agit d'une étude à la fois administrative, économique, politique et sociale qui expose le fonctionnement d'une administration centrale au siècle des Lumières. La thèse présente à travers l'étude de la comptabilité, le fonctionnement et l'organisation d'une administration qui se bureaucratise tout en étant un outil politique, particulièrement pour les Directeurs qui travaillent avec le Roi. Elle présente aussi une étude du personnel et de son travail quotidien entre procédures administratives, influences de la cour et difficultés financières.

Автор рассматривает преобразование комиссией по пересмотру положений судебных уставов под председательством министра юстиции Н.В. Муравьева уголовно-процессуального законодательства после судебной реформы 1864 г. В статье анализируется попытка допустить участие адвоката на предварительном следствии; отмена запрета сторонам и председательствующему по делам, рассматриваемым с участием присяжных заседателей, касаться вопроса о наказании, ожидающем подсудимого в случае его осуждения; предоставление прокурору право вносить протесты не только в интересах обвинения, но и защиты и т.д. Работа комиссии охватывает период с 1894 по 1899 гг., а обсуждение проектов в различных государственных структурах продолжалось до 1905 г., когда стало очевидно, что они не будут претворены в жизнь. Материал анализировался с учетом хронологии событий, содержания политических и правовых форм, необходимости получения максимально возможной достоверной информации из имеющихся источников. При проведении исследования на пересечении исторической и юридической наук автором были использованы присущие той и другой науке методы, приемы и принципы. Основными методологическими принципами статьи являются: объективность, историзм, всесторонность. Научная новизна исследования выражается в проведении свободного от идеологических штампов комплексного историко-правового анализа пересмотра законоположений реформы 1864 г., а также в самой постановке проблематики исследования, его системности, степени освещения государственно-правового развития. Личный вклад автора состоит в том, что на основе изучения законодательства и введения в научный оборот архивных источников детально изучена деятельность комиссии по пересмотру законоположений реформы 1864 г. ; The author examines the transformation of the criminal procedural legislation by the Commission on the revision of the provisions of the legal regulations under the chairmanship of the Minister of Justice N.V. Muravyov after the Judicial Reform of 1864. The article examines an attempt to allow a lawyer's participation in the preliminary investigation; repeal of restriction on participation of parties and the presiding judge during the jury trial in the issues of punishment of a defendant in case of his conviction; giving the prosecutor the right to protest not only in the interest of the prosecution, but also in the interest of the defense, etc. The Commission's work covers the period from 1894 to 1899. The discussion of the projects in various government structures continued until 1905, when it became obvious that they wouldn't be implemented. The material was analyzed considering the chronology of events, the content of political and legal forms, the need to obtain precise information from the existing sources. During the study at the intersection of historical and legal sciences the author has used methods, techniques and principles inherent in both sciences. The main methodological principles articles are: objectivity, historicism, comprehensiveness. The scientific novelty of the study is expressed in carrying out a comprehensive and free from ideological clichés historical and legal analysis of the revision of the regulations of the Reform of 1864 and in the very formulation of research issues, of its system and the degree of coverage of state-legal development. The author's personal contribution lies in the fact that on the basis of the study of legislation and the introduction of new archival sources the author has studied in detail the activities of the commission to revise the reform statutes of 1864.

Cumhuriyet ilanından sonra devleti oluşturan bütün kurumlarda birçok yeni düzenlemelere ve bunun sonucu olarak değişmelere gidilmiştir. Modern toplumlar için bir kalkınma problemi olan eğitim kurumları ve bu kurumlardaki sistemde bu düzenlemeler ve değişmelerden fazlasıyla nasibini almıştır. nasibini almıştır. Eğitim ile ilgili düzenlemeler yapılırken milli devlet politikalarının yanı sıra emsal ülkelerin eğitim sistemi de örnek alınmıştır. Bunun sonucu olarak çeşitli ülkelerden ülkemize 1924'den başlayarak gerek resmi davet yoluyla gerekse gayri resmi olarak yabancı uzmanlar getirtilip eğitim sistemimiz için raporlar tutmaları istenmiştir. Her ne kadar İnönü döneminde bu süreç kesintiye uğrasa dan 1924-1960 yılları arası Türk eğitiminde yabancı uzmanların etkisi daha fazla hissedilmiştir. Ülkemize gelen yabancı eğitim uzmanları 1924-1950 döneminde ABD ve değişik Avrupa ülkelerinden gelirken, 1950'de başlayan Demokrat Parti döneminde ülkemize gelen yabancı uzmanların sadece ABD'li olması dikkat çekicidir. Özellikle bu durum üzerinden Demokrat Parti'ye muhalif çevrelerce ciddi eleştiriler yöneltildiği görülmektedir. Ancak yabancı uzmanlar konusunda ABD'ye yönelişin sebebi dönemin siyasi durumu, küresel güç dengeleri, Türkiye'nin uluslararası lobi ihtiyacından ötürü NATO ya girmesi ve ABD ile doğal müttefik olması olarak gösterilmektedir. Araştırmamızın amacı yabancı uzmanların eğitim sistemimiz hakkında tuttuğu raporların nitel olarak yeterliliklerini saptamak, olumlu ve olumsuz yönlerini ortaya koymaktır. Bunun için hazırladıkları raporlara ulaşılmış ve objektif bir açıdan değerlendirmeye tâbi tutulmuştur ; After the decleration of The Republic, there were many regularitions over the all institutions which had formed the state and, with the result of these, some changes education foundations which are a development problem for modern societies and the system in these foundations were highly effected by these regularitions and changes. While regulations related to the education are being done, the educational system of precedent countries are taken as an example as well as national government policies,too. Consequently, foreign experts from diffrent countries had been imported either via official invitation or non official way since the beginning of 1924, and wanted them to report our educational system. Altought this period was interupted between 1924-1960 years during the İnönü management ,the impact of the foreign expert was felt higly. It is remarkable that foreign education experts came to our country during the period when Democratic Party began in 1950 were only from the United States of America while foreign education experts coming to our country during the period 1924-1950 came from the United States and various European countries. It is observed serious criticisms were directed on this situation to Democratic Party by dissident circles. However, it is shown that the reasons for turning to the U.S. on foreign experts were the political situation of the period, the global balances of power, that Turkey joined due to Turkey's international lobby needs, that Turkey was a natural ally with the U.S durin this period. The aim of our research is to determine the qualification of the foreign experts reports as qualitative, to bring out the reports' positive and negative aspects. Therefore, the reports have been detected and taken into evalution obtectively

International Cooperation for Development (CID) despite being considered an important instrument for peaceful coexistence and stability of the international system, has failed to achieve its main objective which is the economic and social development to reduce global poverty.To demonstrate the above, a distinction is made between cooperation and assistance, stating that the first occurs in symmetrical relationships in which the parties involved give and receive, while the second is called to respond to the interests of donors. Next, it examines the conflict between national interest and cooperation, to finally reveal how unproductive has been the CID in solving the problems of underdevelopment, because its actions have been ineffective and inadequate, which can be seen with the humanitarian crisis lived in the planet today, that require an analysis from the social and political sciences standpoint and from the interdisciplinary view that characterizes bioethics as the ethic of the XXI century. ; La Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (CID), a pesar de ser considerada como un instrumento importante para la convivencia pacífica y estabilidad del sistema internacional, no ha logrado alcanzar su objetivo principal, que es el desarrollo económico y social para reducir la pobreza mundial. Para demostrarlo, se hace una distinción entre cooperación y ayuda, en la que se afirma que la primera ocurre en relaciones simétricas en la que las partes involucradas dan y reciben, mientras que en la segunda se orienta a responder a los intereses de los donantes. Seguidamente, se examina la oposición entre interés nacional y cooperación, para finalmente develar lo poco efectivo que ha sido la CID en la solución de los problemas del subdesarrollo, porque las acciones han sido poco efectivas e inadecuadas. Esto último se puede constatar con la crisis humanitaria que se vive hoy en el planeta y que requiere del análisis desde los puntos de vista de las ciencias sociales, políticas y desde la interdisciplinariedad que caracteriza a la bioética como ética del siglo XXI. ; A Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (CID), mesmo sendo considerado como um instrumen­to importante para a convivência pacífica e a estabilidade do sistema internacional, não tem conseguido atingir seu principal objetivo, que é o desenvolvimento económico e social para reduzir a pobreza mundial. Para demonstrá-lo, é feita uma diferenciação entre cooperação e assistência, em que se afirma eu a primeira acon­tece em relações simétricas em que as partes envolvidas dão e recebem, enquanto que na segunda orienta-se para atender aos interesses dos doadores. Em seguida, examina-se a oposição entre o interesse nacional e a cooperação, para finalmente descobrir o pouco eficiente que tem sido o CID na resolução dos problemas do subdesenvolvimento, porque as ações têm sido ineficazes e inadequadas. Este último pode ser conferido com a crise humanitária que existe hoje no planeta e que exige a análise do ponto de vista das ciências sociais, políticas e desde a interdisciplinariedade que caracteriza à bioética como ética do século XXI.