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Against China's attempts at cultivating multilateral forums to augment and institutionalize its influence in Central, Northeast, and Southeast Asia, Japan's major foreign policy challenge now is how to secure its own interests in these forums while balancing its relations with China and the United States.

In the last two decades there has been much scholarly and journalistic attention given to the issue of how Chinese overseas relate themselves to China. This happened against a backdrop of two major developments in Asia. The first has to do with the fact that many ethnic Chinese outside mainland China have been faring well economically and accumulating considerable wealth in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Hong Kong, and Taiwan in the second half of the twentieth century. The second is the rise of China as an economic superpower attracting foreign capital after it reopened itself and launched economic reform in 1978.

The Chinese government recently proposed ammonia (NH3) emission reductions (but without a specific national target) as a strategic option to mitigate fine particulate matter (PM2.5) pollution. We combined a meta-analysis of nationwide measurements and air quality modeling to identify efficiency gains by striking a balance between controlling NH3 and acid gas (SO2 and NOx) emissions. We found that PM2.5 concentrations decreased from 2000 to 2019, but annual mean PM2.5 concentrations still exceeded 35 µg m−3 at 74 % of 1498 monitoring sites during 2015–2019. The concentration of PM2.5 and its components were significantly higher (16 %–195 %) on hazy days than on non-hazy days. Compared with mean values of other components, this difference was more significant for the secondary inorganic ions SO, NO, and NH (average increase 98 %). While sulfate concentrations significantly decreased over this period, no significant change was observed for nitrate and ammonium concentrations. Model simulations indicate that the effectiveness of a 50 % NH3 emission reduction for controlling secondary inorganic aerosol (SIA) concentrations decreased from 2010 to 2017 in four megacity clusters of eastern China, simulated for the month of January under fixed meteorological conditions (2010). Although the effectiveness further declined in 2020 for simulations including the natural experiment of substantial reductions in acid gas emissions during the COVID-19 pandemic, the resulting reductions in SIA concentrations were on average 20.8 % lower than those in 2017. In addition, the reduction in SIA concentrations in 2017 was greater for 50 % acid gas reductions than for the 50 % NH3 emission reductions. Our findings indicate that persistent secondary inorganic aerosol pollution in China is limited by emissions of acid gases, while an additional control of NH3 emissions would become more important as reductions of SO2 and NOx emissions progress.

The Chinese government recently proposed ammonia (NH3) emission reductions (but without a specific national target) as a strategic option to mitigate fine particulate matter (PM2.5) pollution. We combined a meta-analysis of nationwide measurements and air quality modeling to identify efficiency gains by striking a balance between controlling NH3 and acid gas (SO2 and NOx) emissions. We found that PM2.5 concentrations decreased from 2000 to 2019, but annual mean PM2.5 concentrations still exceeded 35 µg m−3 at 74 % of 1498 monitoring sites during 2015–2019. The concentration of PM2.5 and its components were significantly higher (16 %–195 %) on hazy days than on non-hazy days. Compared with mean values of other components, this difference was more significant for the secondary inorganic ions SO 42-, NO 3-, and NH 4+ (average increase 98 %). While sulfate concentrations significantly decreased over this period, no significant change was observed for nitrate and ammonium concentrations. Model simulations indicate that the effectiveness of a 50 % NH3 emission reduction for controlling secondary inorganic aerosol (SIA) concentrations decreased from 2010 to 2017 in four megacity clusters of eastern China, simulated for the month of January under fixed meteorological conditions (2010). Although the effectiveness further declined in 2020 for simulations including the natural experiment of substantial reductions in acid gas emissions during the COVID-19 pandemic, the resulting reductions in SIA concentrations were on average 20.8 % lower than those in 2017. In addition, the reduction in SIA concentrations in 2017 was greater for 50 % acid gas reductions than for the 50 % NH3 emission reductions. Our findings indicate that persistent secondary inorganic aerosol pollution in China is limited by emissions of acid gases, while an additional control of NH3 emissions would become more important as reductions of SO2 and NOx emissions progress.

COVID-19 is perhaps the single most impactful event defining 2020 globally. Drawing on theory on media typology involving freedom and responsibility, media framing and moral panic theories, this paper examines media coverage on COVID-19 in three countries, China, South Korea and the United States. Data were obtained from six news outlets, Xinhua News, South China Morning Post, Chosun, Hankyoreh, CNN and Breitbart, two from each of the three countries. More than 1,000 COVID-19 related reports, spanning six days (the last day of January to June, 2020) were selected and coded based on common priming themes such as tone, the othering, medical/science, economic consequences, attribution of responsibility, human interests, conflict, leadership, and denial/severity. The results will be interpreted based on the theory of freedom and responsibility, and the unique political and economic characteristics of each country. Implications of press freedom and responsibility, media's role and citizens' rights to be informed are discussed.

The article provides an overview of the dispute in the South China Sea between China and the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through the prism of ASEAN cooperative security. Emphasis is placed on the study of documents that envisionage mechanisms for resolving the dispute between China and ASEAN. It is determined that the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations as a collective actor in resolving the dispute in the South China Sea are limited exclusively to confidence-building measures as the ultimate goal of activities in this area and the development of a code of conduct with the People's Republic of China. At the same time, the main legal instrument of ASEAN's relations with China at the mentioned waters remains the legally non-binding Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea of 4 November 2002, which indicates China's unwillingness to create a direct framework for cooperation in the South China Sea with a view to furthrer strengthening its position in the waters through militarisation and land reclamation activities. The authors also consider and analyse the main limitations of ASEAN's security policy in the Asia-Pacific region and its cooperative security regime, including absolutisation of sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, consensus as the basis for decision-making, adherence to the principle of mushyawarah - consultations as an end in itself, non-use of potential conflict resolution mechanisms due to soft institutionalism and the use of bilateral joint resource development in the South-China Sea, which undermines the principle of multilateralism of ASEAN cooperative security.

This study examines the potential macroeconomic effects of Covid-19 on the tourism sector of Europe, the USA, and China as well as provides policy suggestions in light of previous scholarly works. The study finds that the global tourism sector is geocentric and the tourism sector of EU countries is interdependent. The study also finds strong domestic tourism in the USA and China whereas domestic tourism in EU countries is not that strong. As domestic tourism is less income-elastic than international tourism countries should promote domestic tourism to recover the loss of this sector from the adverse effect of Covid-19. Although the probable loss of the tourism sector can be estimated with reference to the recent previous global economic crises, the study assumes far-reaching and massive effects of Covid-19 on the tourism sector due to strictly restricted or banned global and domestic travel as well as the unknown duration of the pandemic. The study also finds the similarity of age groups participating in tourism and infected and died by Covid-19. So, combined and comprehensive policies should be formulated to save the international tourism sector from the drastic catastrophe of Covid-19.

1\. Introduction 5 2\. Diffusion and Domestic Politics 7 3\. European and Global Ideas Concerning Climate Change Mitigation 9 4\. Limited Socialization and Lesson-Drawing: The Development of Chinese Climate Change Policy 12 5\. Resistance to Diffusion: The Development of Indian Climate Change Policy 18 6\. Conclusions 23 Literature 25 ; The EU has for a long time claimed the title of "leader" in the international politics of climate change. However, existing research has generally failed to specify whether the EU's purported leadership has induced the "followership" of other states. This working paper seeks to shed light on this somewhat neglected topic by examining the attempted diffusion of climate change norms, policies, and institutions by the EU to China and India. The paper makes two principal arguments. First, the development of Chinese and Indian climate change policy should be understood as primarily domestic developments. Nonetheless, there was limited evidence of diffusion from the EU, but there was significant variation between the Chinese and Indian responses to the EU's diffusion attempts. The Chinese response was one increasing accommodation; the Indian response was a more straightforward case of resistance. Second, domestic factors help to explain the variation in the Chinese and Indian responses to EU attempts at diffusion and, related, the observed pattern of diffusion from the EU to China and India. Particularly important is the degree to which new external ideas and concepts resonate with pre-existing domestic ideas and concepts. The paper thus paints a picture of limited EU leadership, but also suggests that the EU attempts to secure "followership" could be enhanced by paying greater attention to the domestic politics and preferences of third countries.

Based on a review of divergent interpretations of migrant-worker protests in China, this article analyzes strike patterns during labor struggles in the summer of 2010. The analysis reveals (1) a shift toward more offensive demands for wage increases and (2) a high level of strike contagion. While these elements were evident to some extent in earlier struggles, the authors see their specific combination in 2010 as an indicator of an ongoing process of "class formation." The strikes were centered on auto supplier factories, however, and this shows the limitations on cross-sector protest due to the fragmented conditions in China's heterogeneous industrial structure and a continuing ban on independent organization. Taking a broader perspective on the peculiarities of the strike movement, the authors discuss the impact on the government's comparably permissive stance toward the strike movement. This stance created favorable conditions for the proliferation of strikes. Attempts by state authorities to institutionalize worker conflict, while legitimizing the demand for higher wages, fall short of granting rights to organize independently and bargain collectively. Instead an opening has been created for worker militancy rather than integrating it into some authoritarian form of social compromise. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

China and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) established bilateral cooperation in 1971, and the two countries' political, economic, and commercial connections have grown since then. China and the United Arab Emirates are key economic partners, and bilateral ties have grown to this day. Since the signing of the People's Republic of China and GCC Member States' 2014-2017 Strategic Dialogue Plan, the release of the Third Round Press Communication of the PRC-GCC Strategic Dialogue, and the signing of the 16 China-UAE Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in 2015 at the China-UAE Economic Forum held in Beijing, the two countries' relationship has grown even closer. The authors seek to explain how China leverages its long-standing partnership with the UAE into diplomatic relations in order to strengthen economic connections and commercial cooperation between the two countries. This form of study employs qualitative research methodologies as well as primary and secondary data sources. The goal of this research is to find out what the two nations are doing to enhance their economies through trade connections by employing library research methodologies. In terms of data analysis approaches, the author follows three steps: preparing and organizing data, decreasing data, and finally presenting data.

Chinese outward investment is increasing in its relevance for the global economy, and its effects on host states are increasingly being scrutinized globally. While European policy-making was ambiguous about the question of hosting Chinese state-led investment (CSLI) in the early 2010s, we can observe a recent surge of protectionist legal measures across Europe. What explains this trend among different European countries? Through the lens of incremental ideational change, we hypothesize that the rise of China as a global investor shifts the perceptions of policy-makers away from being a source of investment toward a potential threat to national security. We argue that this China effect affects advanced European economies similarly. We provide evidence by studying the shift in perceptions among policy-makers in a coordinated and a liberal market economy, Germany and the UK. By drawing on document analysis and expert interviews, we unpack the policy processes in both countries in the last decade. Despite being two dissimilar cases, both show a similar outcome in increasingly curbing CSLI on the grounds of national security reasons. Our results add important insights to recent International Political Economy discussions on the "geopoliticization" of European trade and investment rules in the face of a rising China.

AbstractAssociations have been shown between father's absence and menarcheal age, but most studies have focused on absence resulting from divorce, abandonment or death. Little research has been conducted to evaluate the effect on menarcheal age of paternal absence through migrant work. In a sample of 400 middle school students, this study examined the association between paternal migrant work and menarcheal age against a backdrop of extensive rural-to-urban migration in China. Data were collected through a self-reported questionnaire, including social-demographic characteristics, aspects of family relationships, information about father's migrant work and age at menarche. After adjusting for BMI, parent marital status and perceived relationship with mother, lower self-perceived quality of father–daughter relationship (both 'father present, relationship poor' and 'father absent, relationship poor') and lower frequency of contact with the father were associated with higher odds for early menarche. These findings suggest that the assumption that father's absence for work influences the timing of menarche needs to be examined in the context of the quality of the father–daughter relationship and paternal care, which appear to play a critical role in the timing of menarche. These findings also emphasize the importance of enhancing paternal involvement and improving father–daughter relationships in the development of appropriate reproductive strategy in daughters.

Through examination of the alleged rationale of the anti-dumping (AD) instrument, this paper argues that it has little to do with fairness or with level playing fields. AD trade protection enjoys broad political support merely because its convoluted technical complexities prevent all but a few insiders and experts from understanding the reality that underlies the rhetoric, thus enabling inefficient but well-organised domestic producers to safely utilise the instrument to protect themselves from foreign competition, at times in collusion with foreign exporters and with the national AD authorities as a broker. While the best option for AD reform, i.e., complete removal, is not practically available, this paper proposes improving AD's procedural institutions by enhancing the quality of public governance in the formulation of AD decisions by national authorities. It further examines the AD practices and laws of China and South Africa, arguing that poor governance in emerging economies contributes to their prolific use of AD, usually disproportionate to their small share of world imports. These economies already maintain higher tariff barriers than industrial countries, so that without effective steps to ensure better governance to restrain the arbitrary and proliferating use of AD, they may lose out significantly on the gains from the trade liberalisation for which they have been striving for decades. CONTENTS Foreword 1. Introduction 2. Anti-dumping: Rhetoric vs. Reality 2.1 The Rehtoric of AD: To Ensure Level Playing Fields by Offsetting Unfair Competition 2.1.1 The Economic Rationale of Free Trade and Competition 2.1.2 AD: A Competition-Distorting and Protectionist Instrument 2.2 AD: Misundertanding, Ignorance and Indifference 2.2.1 Collaboration between Special Interest Groups and Decision Makers 3. Harnessing Anti-Dumping: A Good Governance Approach 3.1 Good Governance in AD Decision Making 3.2 The Prolific Use of AD by Emerging Economies and the Low Quality of Governance 3.2.1 AD Desicion Making in China 3.2.2 AD Decision Formulation in South Africa 4. Conclusions References

This paper focuses on the revival of private property and its limits in urban China. It explores the emergence of urban property markets; urban property-holding in relation to the complexity of urban governance; "minor property rights apartments" that form a de facto real estate market and cross over the urban-rural divide; the "grey areas" of blurring legal and administrative boundaries in modern China; and recent changes to the rural land system and the rural-urban divide. The conclusion flags the theme of the city as laboratory with regard to the blurring legal and governmental urban-rural distinction. (China Perspect/GIGA)