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As political scientists begin to incorporate biological influences as explanatory factors in political behavior, the need to present a methodological road map for utilizing biometric genetic theory and twin data is apparent. The classical twin design (CTD) remains the most popular design for initial examinations of the source of variance among social and political behaviors, and a vast majority of advanced variance components models as well as some molecular analyses are extensions of the CTD. Thus, it is appropriate to begin a series of works with the CTD and its most common variants. The CTD has strong roots in biometrical genetic theory and provides estimates of the correlations between observed traits of monozygotic and dizygotic twins in terms of underlying genetic and environmental influences. The majority of these analyses utilize SEMs of observed covariances for both twin types to assess the relative importance of these "latent" factors.

Since I am to have the honour this evening of being presented with the Johan Skytte Prize in Political Science, it seemed to me that it might be appropriate to say something about the development of political science. Do not fear, however, that I am about to begin my reflections with the study of government in 1622, a task that would greatly exceed my time, my competence and, I imagine, your patience. On a much more modest scale, let me mention a few of the conspicuous changes in political science since I first began teaching and writing in the field about a half century ago. Let me add at once that I do not mean to suggest that my brief account is at all comprehensive or systematic. It is merely a rather subjective survey of a few changes that I find interesting and important.

Southeast Asia's strategic location at major sea-lanes of communication, its previous role as a theatre of super power rivalries, its neighbourhood to China & India, its increasing economic prosperity & its inherent political instability have secured the region unrelenting attention of political scientists. Yet, the region is politically, economically & culturally highly diverse & fragmented. This diversity is also reflected in research on the politics of the region. Southeast Asian politics -- more than any other Asian sub-region -- thus defies sweeping generalizations about the state of the art. However, a paper committed to identify new research trends can not do justice to the diverging research agendas in the region's different countries. It must search for common themes which are relevant for understanding the political dynamics of the region & at the same time enrich the general discourses of the discipline. While this amounts to the squaring of the circle, the following sections nevertheless try to pinpoint where political scientists have made innovative contributions & where lacunae exist. It starts with a few general observations on recent trends in the study of Southeast Asian politics & then proceeds to international relations & comparative politics, two major sub-disciplines of political science. It focuses, albeit not exclusively, on regionalism & democratization as the dominant themes in the post-Cold War period. The paper concludes with a few proposals to improve the institutional context of (German) political scientists working on Southeast Asia. References. Adapted from the source document.

A specific instance of political corruption in New South Wales, Australia, is engaged to demonstrate the deep-rooted connection between society's understanding of corruption & politics. An analysis of the resignation of Liberal Member of Parliament Tony Metherall & his reappointment in the Liberal-controlled government, during the early 1990s indicates how defining political corruption is problematized by several factors, eg, greater reliance on the norms of local communities or extant legislation concerning political behavior. It is argued that definitions of corruption are contingent on competing notions of the character of politics. Discussed in conclusion are the relationship between incompetence & corruption, the functional nature of corruption, & the legacy of the Metherall case. J. W. Parker

A brief chronicle of experimental research in political science is presented, based on an empirical analysis of 217 published experiments from 10 major scholarly journals. Different subject areas where experimental designs have been employed are identified, dated, & analyzed. Four dimensions are defined that characterize these experiments: level of analysis, experimental environment, assumptions concerning rationality, & the nature of the experimental stimulus. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 73 References. Modified HA

Introduction -- What is political judgment? -- Foundations: Plato and Aristotle -- The Kantian Problematic -- The Arendtian Theory of Judgment -- Hermeneutics, tacit knowledge and neo-rationalism

Individuals do not always express their private political opinions in front of others who disagree with them. Neither the political science literature nor the psychology literature has been able to firmly establish why this behavior occurs. Previous research has explored how social network composition can influence political attitudes and how political attitudes can be resistant to persuasion. However, the concept of conformity does not involve attitude change or persuasion; it more accurately involves self-censoring to match a socially desirable norm. In an effort to improve our understanding of this behavior, I conduct a lab experiment in which participants discuss political issues with actors who deliberately disagree with them. I measured the differences between the responses participants gave on a private survey compared to their publicly stated attitudes in the discussion group. Results indicate that regardless of the order in which participants gave their responses, individuals do indeed conform to the group's opinion or censor their views. Conformity and censorship were most frequent among introverted, emotionally stable, and racial minority participants. Significant differences were also found between the types of issues; specifically, non-social and ideologically ambiguous issues yielded higher levels of conformity. Political conformity and censorship could lead to a distorted view of public opinion and may challenge the execution of freedom of expression. The following errata was provided on March 5, 2016: The main results of this analysis reported on page 17 were calculated incorrectly due to an error in the pretest survey. One question on the pretest survey, "On a scale of 1 to 10, with 10 being 'very likely' and 1 being 'very unlikely,' how likely would you be to vote for a candidate who supports the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare?" However, the Omnibus Survey coordinator accidentally mislabeled the scale such that 1 represented "very likely" and 10 represented "very unlikely." As such, this question should have been reverse coded so that it matched the direction of this question in the lab and on the post-test. After correcting this error and reverse-coding the responses to this question, the following main results hold: Participants in the treatment condition conformed significantly more frequently than participants in the control condition for standard (p<.01) and strict (p=.105) conformity. 88.9% of participants conformed on at least one question by standard conformity measures (94.1% in the treatment group and 82.8% in the control group), and 58.7% of participants conformed at least once by pure conformity measures (65.2% in the treatment group and 52.2% in the control group). There are no statistically significant differences in censorship between the treatment groups. More details about the results are available upon request (tfeenstr@ucsd.edu). An updated version of this paper is published as "Political Chameleons: An Exploration of Conformity in Political Discussion" in Political Behavior DOI:10.1007/s11109-016-9335-y.

Active participation in political parties is an important condition for the functioning of political democracy. On the political Left, however, the role of the party activist is under pressure from both internal and external changes in the political culture. Catching up with continental European socialist parties, the leadership of the British Labour Party has progressively changed policy priorities and now its socialist ideology. Externally, `new social movements' are said to be promoting new political aims and new forms of activism. A case-study of the influence of these factors on the commitment and participation of members, and ex-members, of a typical southern constituency Labour Party suggests that `new social movements' do not constitute a rival attraction to these members, ex-members, and activists. Their commitment is, however, being reduced by personal economic and social pressures and their dissonant adherence to traditional values of British socialism. To the extent that political involvement depends on motivation by values or ideological principles this study suggests a decline in party political activism, and a possible obstacle to a `grass roots' recovery by Labour in Southern England.

PAPER ON THE POLITICAL SCIENCE "COMMUNITY", DATA ARE DRAWN FROM THREE MAJOR SURVEYS SPONSORED IN 1969 BY THE CARNEGIE COMMISSION ON HIGHER EDUCATION OF FACULTY, GRADUATE STUDENTS, AND UNDERGRADUATES, ANY ASSESSMENT OF THE STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS OF THE PERFORMANCE OF A DISCIPLINE REQUIRES BOTH STUDENT AND FACULTY JUDGMENTS.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter One Churches and the African Political Arena -- Chapter Two Churches and Political Transitions in Zambia -- Chapter Three Churches and Political Transitions in Zimbabwe -- Chapter Four Churches and Change in South Africa -- Chapter Five Proclaiming Politics of Peace and Love: A New Role for Churches in Pluralist Africa -- Selected Bibliography -- Index.