Suchergebnisse

AbstractA little less than two months before the referendum on sovereignty on October 31, 1995, the Quebec government made public a "Preamble" to an eventual "Declaration of Sovereignty." This document is analyzed in this article as a "foundational narrative," that is to say as a narrative attempting to make of this event, which represents the accession of Quebec to sovereignty, a "beginning." The author demonstrates that the document remains caught in a rhetoric which associates itself to what can be called, following the work of Claude Lefort and Marcel Gauchet, the "theologico-political matrix," which could explain its chilled reception even by sovereigntists. The author asks in conclusion if it is possible to envisage a foundational narrative which would be compatible with the profound logic which governs modernity.

Money has been called the human artifact that confirms the impossibility of disentangling the cultural and the symbolic from the economic. The terms of that entanglement are richly and rewardingly explored in this issue's articles by Helleiner, Curruthers and Espeland, and Siegel. The author assesses the many contributions made by these three articles. The author also considers how ideas about evidence and analysis are pursued in different disciplines. Can social scientists divorce empirical examples from historical contexts in order to substantiate or illustrate analytical strategies? Should they? This is posed primarily by Helleiner, and by Carruthers and Espeland, the latter of which comprises attempts to develop frameworks for subsequent empirical investigations. Siegel offers a useful contrast, in that its empiricism is deliberately sensitive to context.

This article deals with a subject hitherto almost totally ignored in historical literature: the fate of those German conscientious objectors (COs), both religious and political, who were confined as psychiatric patients during World War I. Reports by psychiatrists examining these men, which were printed in medical journals during the war years, form the chief source on which the author bases his article. Some of these psychiatrists regarded their CO "patients" as mostly sane (though mistaken in their views), while others considered that, with a few exceptions perhaps, they were suffering from some form of mental disorder which had led them to refuse military service. The end of the war brought the men release from confinement. Such treatment, the author concludes, though short‐lived, contained dangerous implications for human rights.

This article challenges the argument that tenure fosters indifference to student learning. It draws extensively on Department of Education data to advance the contrary view that inadequate faculty involvement with students primarily reflects the declining numbers of tenure track faculty relative to the increasing numbers of students. The author presents data to show, further, that full-time tenure track faculty are more productive—that is, spend more time with students and contribute more to student success than their less expensive part-time or nontenure track replacements. Contrasting the ideal access to faculty afforded students in well-endowed independent colleges and universities with the poorer access afforded by public institutions, the author concludes that declining public funding, not tenure, explains diminished student opportunity.

The author analyses the tension which exists in constitutional states between the popular sovereignty and the constraints of the people by constitutional order. After explaining and historically interpreting the significance of popular sovereignty as well as the danger hidden in the unequivocal adherence to this principle, he describes the functioning of popular sovereignty in several European constitutions. Most of them express certain misgivings about the people and its direct participation, so that its activities are limited to constitutionally predictable decisions. The author also highlights certain ethic dilemmas and perimeters of popular sovereignty. Constitutional state is based on the compromise between the liberal and the democratic principle; recently, this compromise has been endangered in some newly-created constitutional regimes by non-liberal democracy or the disequilibrium between these two principles. (SOI : PM: S. 77)

The author demonstrates the importance of public finances as a source of the theory of public choice. He identifies the contributions of the continental theorists of public choice from late 19th and early. 20th century, particularly that of the Swedish economist Knut Wicksell. The author considers his concept of the method of fair taxation the central source of the theory of public choice by James Buchanan and other representatives of the Virginian school. In the author's opinion, Wicksell's approach is basically normative but the author's detailed analysis of Wicksell's key work on the theory of fair taxation points to a series of salient points which are redolen of the positive theory of public choice as it was mapped out in the middle of the 20th century. (SOI : PM: S. 188)

The author demonstrates the importance of public finances as a source of the theory of public choice. He identifies the contributions of the continental theorists of public choice from the late 19th & early 20th centuries, particularly that of the Swedish economist Knut Wicksell. The author considers his concept of the method of fair taxation the central source of the theory of public choice by James Buchanan & other representatives of the Virginian school. In the author's opinion, Wicksell's approach is basically normative, but the author's detailed analysis of Wicksell's key work on the theory of fair taxation points to a series of salient points that are redolent of the positive theory of public choice as it was mapped out in the mid-20th century. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the evolution of philosophical foundations of the mechanical & the organic principle, from Spencer to Whitehead as well as Durkheim's first application of these principles (mechanical & organic solidarity) & their sociological extensions as a form of sociability (L. v. Wiese, Gurvitch). The author gives a detailed review of the application of the mechanical & the organic as a structure of organization in the science of management (Burns, Stalker, & later theoreticians). The mechanical & the organic principles identify the structure of being, society, & organizations from the point of view of the capacities of individuals & their involuntary or voluntary ties. The mechanical & the organic are also the poles between which the structure of an organization varies depending on strategy, size, technology, & environment. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses the relationship among legal nationhood, social nationhood, and democracy in democratic constitutional states. After identifing the definitions of democratic constitutional state, he concludes that it is an efficient structures within which one can mvestigate the relationship among democracy, legal and social nationhood. He suggests that these three principles have their normative roots in human freedom i.e. in the freedom of participating in p0litical negotiation, in the freedom from coercion and unjust rule, in the freedom from exigency, and in the free participation in the "we" of the modern industrial, technological and information society. And finally, the author analyses the tension between the legal and social nationhood which may be fruitful only if democracy contributes to the accomplishment of major social changes that maximise human freedom. (SOI : PM: S. 91)

The author analyzes the tension which exists in constitutional states between the popular sovereignty & the constraints of the people by constitutional order. After explaining & historically interpreting the significance of popular sovereignty as well as the danger hidden in the unequivocal adherence to this principle, he describes the functioning of popular sovereignty in several European constitutions. Most of them express certain misgivings about the people & its direct participation, so that its activities are limited to constitutionally predictable decisions. The author also highlights certain ethical dilemmas & perimeters of popular sovereignty. Constitutional state is based on the compromise between the liberal & the democratic principle; recently, this compromise has been endangered in some newly-created constitutional regimes by non-liberal democracy or the disequilibrium between these two principles. Adapted from the source document.

This paper opens with a brief discussion of the traditional role of the victim in the criminal justice system and the changes which have been made in the Netherlands in order to improve the position of victims of crime. In addition, the author discusses the arguments put forward by policymakers and examines the implementation of victim policy. Next, procedural justice is introduced as a theory from which one could consider the possible impact of victims' experiences in the criminal justice system on their relationship with the justice system. The author goes on to present research which examines the impact of procedural justice on victims' attitudes towards legal authorities. The paper closes with a discussion of the importance of procedural justice issues for criminal justice policymakers and legal practitioners.

THE AUTHOR OFFERS AN OVERVIEW OF THE MANY TYPES OF PUBLIC POLICY INQUIRY OR REVIEW EXERCISES USED IN BRITISH PUBLIC AFFAIRS. THESE ARE OFTEN CREATED BY THE GOVERNMENT BUT ARE ALSO INCREASINGLY PROMOTED BY PRIVATE ENTITIES HOPING TO INFLUENCE THE GOVERNMENT AND THE SPECIAL INTERESTS IN A POLICY FIELD BY SUPPLYING FREE AND AUTHORITATIVE INFORMATION. THE AUTHOR COMMENTS BRIEFLY ON EACH OF THE "DECISION ADVICE PROCESSES" (DAP'S) AND QUESTIONS THE DEMOCRATIC PROPRIETY OF THE EXECUTIVE ITSELF NOW INVESTIGATING OR REVIEWING IMPORTANT PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES THAT WERE, UNTIL RECENTLY, UNQUESTIONINGLY GIVEN OUT BY DEPARTMENTS FOR EXTERNAL, INDEPENDENT COMMISSIONS AND COMMITTEES OF INQUIRY TO STUDY AND MAKE RECOMMENDATIONS. THE QUESTION OF WHETHER THE CURRENT MOVEMENT FOR CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM SHOULD PLACE DAP'S ON A MORE INDEPENDENT AND AUTHORITATIVE BASIS IS RAISED.

Examines reasons for the growth of health maintenance organizations and managed care, the problems engendered, and why they continue despite dissatisfaction among key participants.

This article explores Israeli-Turkish relations within the context of the deepening polarization between Turkey's secular elite and the religiously oriented segments of society. Examining the causes and political context of the alliance, the author argues that the deepening ties are at least partly a function of the sense of beleaguerment of the Turkish military, guardians of Kemalist orthodoxy, in the face of domestic challenges to its homogenizing vision. After describing the features of the axis itself, the author shows how it intermeshed with the accelerating showdown between the military and the Islamist-led civilian government. Finally, the paper examines the relationship in the light of Turkish national interests, concluding that Turkey's main problems are internal and not amenable to outside solutions.

This article analyzes the relationship between conflicts and democratization processes in Russia and the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union. The severe interethnic and political conflicts that marked the beginning of the era of democratization in the former Soviet Union still have not been resolved. These ongoing conflicts inhibit democratic reforms. States have neither the resources nor the will to promote the peaceful resolution of these conflicts. Nongovernmental, cooperative conflict resolution may provide some assistance in handling conflicts in the post-Soviet context. Drawing on her significant experience working in cross-cultural conflicts, the author provides illustrations of practical applications of conflict analysis and resolution skills and processes. Finally, in concluding the article, the author explores the connection between civil society building and peaceful conflict resolution.