Suchergebnisse

In this paper, the author deals with some institutional and structural elements of the emerging European post-cold war security environment. In the early 1990s, at the level of institutionalization of European security, a plethora of institutions came into being whose purpose has been to gradually incorporate the former communist states into an integral security structure. Also, international security was formalized in international organizations covering Europe. Thus one of the key challenges to the European security system has been the need for melding its central components into a consistent system. The author also describes some current processes and developments within the European security setting that will shape the European security structure in the future as well. This setting has been and will undoubtedly be affected by various international (regional and global) and national factors in the European economic, political, and security space as well as by the joint efforts of European states (their leaders) and international security organizations to provide common security in Europe. The author concludes that the European international system today includes many organizations and institutions that, with an appropriate division of labour and cooperation, may help set up a common and integral European security system which would efficiently ensure the security of individual states as well as the security of entire Europe. (SOI : S. 55)

This analysis compares the effects on social mobility of the political transformations in Eastern Europe which took place in the 1950s and the 1990s. The author examines absolute and relative mobility rates in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Russia and Slovakia based on data from national random samples taken in 1993 and 1994. Log-linear models are applied to mobility tables for four periods, 1948-52, 1952-63, 1983-88 and 1988-93, to determine change in the strength of association between occupational categories. Searching for the effect of the transition to communism the author compares occupational mobility between 1948 and 1952 with occupational mobility between 1952 and 1963. In order to assess the effect of the transition from communism, mobility between 1983 and 1988 is compared to mobility between 1988 and 1993. It was definitely the transition to communism in the late 1940s that released the more intensive flows between basic segments of the social structure compared to what occurred during the exit from communism in the 1990s. Using both the diagonals and the constant social fluidity models, the author finds no evidence of increasing openness in post-communist countries. Contrariwise, in the 1948-63 period some significant change occurred in relative mobility chances. The conclusion is that the "first transformation" gave rise to a turn in social fluidity on the "genotypical" level.

AbstractThis paper deals with a crucial problem in feminist theory and in law, namely the issue of the "Woman/Women" category. Does the presence of a single man invalidate the label and remove the issues from the field of equality between the sexes? Moreover, in order to avail oneself successfully of the non-discrimination provision of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, does one necessarily have to prove prejudice towards all women, or seek a remedy likely to improve the situation of all women? Is the category "Woman" necessarily universal and all-embracing? To answer these questions, the author deals with the relationship between women and men and concludes that this relationship is not one of absolute binary opposition, but rather of secular domination. The author then analyzes the category of Women in relation to society as a whole where women are often subsumed into minorities, absorbed into the family or collapsed into "Universal" Woman. Fully recognizing the arbitrary and artificial character as well as the deceptive and reductionist aspects of categories per se, the author observes nonetheless that the law obliges us to keep the category of "Woman" for as long as women will not have collectively attained an economic, legal, political, symbolic, etc. status equal to that of men collectively.

Traducido al húngaro por Ádám Anderle ; [EN] The memory of 1898 lives in the collective Spanish historical consciousness as `The Year of Disaster', the national tragedy signalling the end of the American and Asian colonial system. Losing the colonies, however, as the author points out, was not a disaster but the beginning of a series of changes that linked up with the modernisation of Spain and with its approaching Europe. Reviewing the historical works published in recent years on 1898 and its effects, the author asserts that these refute the catastrophist interpretation of the event: the military defeat by the United States was not a disabling blow for Spain either from military or from economic or ideological aspects. Indeed, the conditions were already ripe for the independence of Cuba. At the same time, the disruption of colonial-political ties between Spain and Cuba did not mean the severing of cultural-spiritual bonds between Spaniards and Cubans. The author claims that the end of Spanish rule in Cuba, which can be attributed to '98, should be celebrated, and not mourned. What were unfortunate in the affair was rather the consequences of the simultaneous unfolding of what can be regarded as the neocolonist aspirations of the United States. ; Peer reviewed

The author discusses the works by Croatian and foreign theologians and historians (Ivo Pilar, Alois Hudal, Janko Simrak, Krunoslav Draganovic, Fran Grivec and Dragutin Nezic) about the Serbian Orthodox Church which appeared in the inter-war period. These authors posed a series of questions which are still open for debate today. Pilar describes the Serbian Orthodox Church as an institution which has an important role in the process of Serbian national integration. Hudal analyzes the reasons for the decline of Catholicism in the Balkans, discussing the negative consequences which befell the Roman Catholic Church in the Yugoslav Monarchy, which supported the expansion of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The works of Simrak, Nezic, and Draganovic deal with the complex process of attempting a union between the Roman Catholic Church and orthodox Christians. The author mentions that these writers and their works are not well known to the Croatian public, and that only during the 1980s was more intensive research undertaken by Croatian academics on the topic of the political and cultural activity of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The author concludes the article by suggesting that these works by Croatian and foreign historians and theologians can serve as the basis for further research on this topic. (SOI : CSP: S. 573f.)

Riva Kastoryano analyses how immigrant populations organise and how they express their collective identity. The author thereby questions national political traditions with regards to the construction of a new form of political action: Europe. The author offers an analysis of the Europeanization of political action for these immigrant populations by observing the constitution of transnational networks. This article shows how this Europeanization being encouraged by supranational institutions produces effects within each Nation-State. The author pertinently questions the idea of citizen allegiances by giving a problematic to the notion of citizenship through the sociology of these networks transcending national frontiers. ; Dans cet article, Riva Kastoryano analyse les formes d'organisation des populations immigrées et l'expression de leurs identités collectives, et interroge dès lors les traditions politiques nationales à l'aune de la construction d'une nouvelle forme de l'agir politique, l'Europe. En observant la constitution de ces réseaux de solidarité transnationaux, l'auteur propose une analyse de l'européanisation de l'action politique des populations issues de l'immigration et montre comment cette européanisation encouragée par les institutions supranationales produit des effets au niveau de chaque Etat-nation. En problématisant la question de la citoyenneté autour d'une sociologie de ces réseaux qui transcendent les frontières nationales, l'auteur interroge avec pertinence la question des allégeances citoyennes.

Riva Kastoryano analyses how immigrant populations organise and how they express their collective identity. The author thereby questions national political traditions with regards to the construction of a new form of political action: Europe. The author offers an analysis of the Europeanization of political action for these immigrant populations by observing the constitution of transnational networks. This article shows how this Europeanization being encouraged by supranational institutions produces effects within each Nation-State. The author pertinently questions the idea of citizen allegiances by giving a problematic to the notion of citizenship through the sociology of these networks transcending national frontiers. ; Dans cet article, Riva Kastoryano analyse les formes d'organisation des populations immigrées et l'expression de leurs identités collectives, et interroge dès lors les traditions politiques nationales à l'aune de la construction d'une nouvelle forme de l'agir politique, l'Europe. En observant la constitution de ces réseaux de solidarité transnationaux, l'auteur propose une analyse de l'européanisation de l'action politique des populations issues de l'immigration et montre comment cette européanisation encouragée par les institutions supranationales produit des effets au niveau de chaque Etat-nation. En problématisant la question de la citoyenneté autour d'une sociologie de ces réseaux qui transcendent les frontières nationales, l'auteur interroge avec pertinence la question des allégeances citoyennes.

The new Ordinance of Scientific Areas enacted by the Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia specifies politology as a scientific discipline of social sciences incorporating political science, theory & history of politics, & political philosophy. Following the objections of the academic community, that division was revised as follows: (1) Theory, History, & Doctrines of Politics, (2) Foreign & National Policy, (3) Other. The author describes a different structuring, corroborated by IPSA's & APSA's documents. Also, the author reviews the two centuries of the development of political science in the US & in Croatia. In 100 years of the globally prevailing US development of political science & of the profession of political scientists, a new global standard was set. Its structures include approximately 100 fields & subfields of science & expertise in political science in 8 basic fields: (A). Political Institutions, (B). Political Behavior, (C) Comparative Politics, (D) International Relations, (E) Political Theory, (F) Public Policy & Management, (G) Political Economy, & (H) Political Methodology. The author emphasizes that any ungrounded intervention in the division of scientific fields might harm the progress of this science, organization of research, staff renewal at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as the internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 44 References. Adapted from the source document.

Riva Kastoryano analyses how immigrant populations organise and how they express their collective identity. The author thereby questions national political traditions with regards to the construction of a new form of political action: Europe. The author offers an analysis of the Europeanization of political action for these immigrant populations by observing the constitution of transnational networks. This article shows how this Europeanization being encouraged by supranational institutions produces effects within each Nation-State. The author pertinently questions the idea of citizen allegiances by giving a problematic to the notion of citizenship through the sociology of these networks transcending national frontiers. ; Dans cet article, Riva Kastoryano analyse les formes d'organisation des populations immigrées et l'expression de leurs identités collectives, et interroge dès lors les traditions politiques nationales à l'aune de la construction d'une nouvelle forme de l'agir politique, l'Europe. En observant la constitution de ces réseaux de solidarité transnationaux, l'auteur propose une analyse de l'européanisation de l'action politique des populations issues de l'immigration et montre comment cette européanisation encouragée par les institutions supranationales produit des effets au niveau de chaque Etat-nation. En problématisant la question de la citoyenneté autour d'une sociologie de ces réseaux qui transcendent les frontières nationales, l'auteur interroge avec pertinence la question des allégeances citoyennes.

Riva Kastoryano analyses how immigrant populations organise and how they express their collective identity. The author thereby questions national political traditions with regards to the construction of a new form of political action: Europe. The author offers an analysis of the Europeanization of political action for these immigrant populations by observing the constitution of transnational networks. This article shows how this Europeanization being encouraged by supranational institutions produces effects within each Nation-State. The author pertinently questions the idea of citizen allegiances by giving a problematic to the notion of citizenship through the sociology of these networks transcending national frontiers. ; Dans cet article, Riva Kastoryano analyse les formes d'organisation des populations immigrées et l'expression de leurs identités collectives, et interroge dès lors les traditions politiques nationales à l'aune de la construction d'une nouvelle forme de l'agir politique, l'Europe. En observant la constitution de ces réseaux de solidarité transnationaux, l'auteur propose une analyse de l'européanisation de l'action politique des populations issues de l'immigration et montre comment cette européanisation encouragée par les institutions supranationales produit des effets au niveau de chaque Etat-nation. En problématisant la question de la citoyenneté autour d'une sociologie de ces réseaux qui transcendent les frontières nationales, l'auteur interroge avec pertinence la question des allégeances citoyennes.

Hypercompetition has received much attention, but an important question has not been answered: What organizational forms lead to success in hypercompetitive environments? Hypercompetition forces firms to move more quickly and boldly and to experiment in ways that do not conform to traditional administrative theory. Bureaucratic vertical forms severely hamper the ability to respond to accelerating competition. Flexible forms, in contrast, can respond to a wide variety of changes in the competitive environment in an appropriate and timely way. The author examines several alternative flexible forms for coping with hypercompetitive environments. Flexibility derives from the repertoire of managerial capabilities (management challenge) and the responsiveness of the organization (organization design challenge). On the basis of theories of control, the author argues that organizational flexibility is inherently paradoxical and requires a constructive friction between change and preservation. The paradox of flexibility is portrayed in a conceptual model that relates competitive environments, certain types of flexibility, and organizational conditions. The author develops a rich typology of organizational forms for coping with hypercompetition, each of which reflects a particular way of addressing change and preservation. Furthermore, he explores different trajectories of organizational development over time, especially those relating to revitalization. The implications of the typology for strategy and organization design research in hypercompetitive environments are profound.

This is a persona] account of an Aboriginal woman who went through the education system in Australia to obtain finally her law degree. Aboriginal people experience many hurdles in the education system. Many Aboriginal children feel alienated within the legal system which until recently focused on a colonial history of Australia, ignoring the experiences, indeed the presence, of indigenous people in Australia. The Australian government had a policy of not educating Aboriginal people past the age of 14. The author was one of the first generation that could go straight from high school to university. She speaks of the debt she feels towards the generations of her people that fought for her right to access to higher education. The author went on to become the first Aboriginal person to be accepted into Harvard Law School which brought different personal challenges and allowed for reflection on comparisons of the sensitivity towards race in both education systems. When the author returned to Australia, she took a position teaching at the University of New South Wales. She had to come to terms with working within a system that she had felt alienated within as a student. Her position at the front of the class has created a sense of empowerment that she can pass on to her Aboriginal and female students.

The Author reports more important phases from the beginning of housing to now: the indoor pollution time. Shelter is a basic need; humans re-quire protection against the elements, somewhere to store and prepare the food, and a secure place to raise offspring; but indoor environment is not always safe. It has been known since Hippocrates' time that housing con-ditions affect health. Today situation starts from the enormous growth of urbanization. At 1888 in Italy first legislation on health, including healthy building, has been issued. The prevention policies were based on local hygiene regula-tions. At present housing programmes of who stress the problem in con-sideration too of the great part of time that, in industrialized Countries, we all pass at home, in the indoor environment. Following the general introduction the Author relates on the features of indoor climate, that may be identical that out of doors, or may be modi-fied by heating, cooling, humidification and ventilation. Larger commentaries are reported on indoor pollution and its increasing by modern technology producing several new hazards. Physical, chemi-cal and biological indoor air pollutants, with their principal sources and health damages associated, are analyzed. In conclusion the Author shows some data from a research on indoor pollution in the houses of Rome. Key words: Indoor pollution - Indoor climate - Houses

The proposition that western industrialised society is subject to fundamental change is hardly controversial. If trade unions are to remain actively involved in the context of this changing society, in the role of an emancipatory social movement, modernisation is imperative. This contribution outlines a number of changes in society and how they affect the position of trade unions. Subsequently, as regards the modernisation of trade unions themselves, the author formulates two priorities: the problem of participation and the concept of labour as used by the trade unions. Finally, he analyses the way in which the trade union movement in the Netherlands has handled these priorities up to now. This analysis will focus primarily on the developments within the federation of Dutch trade unions (Federatie Nederlandse Vakbeweging, FNV). With a membership of over a million, the FNV is the largest trade union in the Netherlands.1 He also looks at the developments within the Christian federation (Christelijk Nationaal Vakverbond, CNV), which has about 350,000 members. At the outset two things should be stressed. Firstly, the author chose a critical approach, but in the firm conviction that a strong, modernised trade union movement is essential. Secondly, the present discussion is limited to outlining developments, which are dominant in the view of the author. Only brief reference will be made to new approaches that occur in concrete trade union practice.

The United Nations, the United States, and other interested governments have sought to minimize the proliferation of nuclear weapons. North Korea's apparent attempts to begin production of nuclear materials clearly undermine the goal of non-proliferation. Moreover, the introduction of nuclear weapons onto the Korean peninsula, a site of continued political and military tension, has added a threat of potential nuclear conflict. This Article investigates the history of the Korean crisis and places North Korea's attempt to withdraw from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in the context of the international non-proliferation regime and policy. The author then examines the present collective security system and the evolution of the concept of self-defense in international law, concluding that the traditional concept of self-defense is inadequate to deal with the problem presented by a nuclear threat. In response to this crisis, the author suggests that the United States first pursue a peaceful, diplomatic solution. Economic sanctions, imposed both by the United Nations and by the United States unilaterally, are the next proposed route. As a last resort, the author proposes that the United States should respond to North Korean hostilities by increasing its military presence in the Western Pacific and by executing a preventive strike against North Korean nuclear facilities.