Suchergebnisse

Hobbes hat die Formalität des Vernunftvermögens betont, das nur für die Wahrheit einer Folgerung und nicht für die Wahrheit der Ausgangstatsachen zuständig ist. Wenn die Vernunft im Leviathan also nur Mittel ist, stellt sich die Frage nach dem Zweck: Ist es ein politisch-philosophischer oder ein politisch-theologischer? Wenn die Vernunft nicht weiterhilft, so lehrt Hobbes, muss das "Licht", das in einer hermeneutischen Frage leiten soll, dem Interpreten aus dem Buch selbst geboten werden, genauer gesagt: Das Ziel des Verfassers wirft jenes Licht, in dem die Schrift auszulegen ist. Dieses Ziel ist, so die These, ein durch und durch säkulares, die Entwicklung einer Lehre von der Politik, die sich zwar theologischer Elemente als geeigneter Mittel bedient, aber dabei mit der Sicherung des staatlichen Friedens, des gesellschaftlichen Fortschritts und der stabilen Rahmenbedingungen individueller Interessenbesorgung allein weltliche Zwecke verfolgt. Die leitende Methode ist dabei eine wissenschaftlich-philosophische, die ausgeht von der Untersuchung von Ursache- Wirkungszusammenhängen und ausgerichtet ist auf die Erzeugung solcher Wirkungen, "die das menschliche Leben erfordert". "Die Vernunft ist der Schritt, die Mehrung der Wissenschaft der Weg und die Wohlfahrt der Menschheit das Ziel". (ICF2)

"Über Jahrhunderte verkörperte der Islam für Europa das 'Andere', zuweilen gar den Feind. Doch heute gilt es, Wege zu finden, muslimische Religiosität in Europa zu integrieren. Voraussetzung dafür: der Abschied von einem primär national regulierten und an der ethnischen Herkunft orientierten Religionsverständnis." (Autorenreferat)

Historical review and view that any religion seeking to exercise significant influence in the future will need to include among its values those of peace and human rights.

Examines the role of faith and religion in American elections, including most recently the 2004 election.

Front Cover -- Title Page -- Durkheim's Sociology of Religion -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- References, notation, translations -- Abbreviations -- Introductory remarks -- PART ONE: Historical Perspectives -- Chapter One: Durkheim's religious quest. I: Adolescent changes, family life and personal beliefs -- (1) Introduction -- (2) Boyhood, youth and the rejection of Judaism -- (3) Psychoanalytic factors -- (4) The significance of Jewishness -- (5) Asceticism and family life -- (6) His religious quest -- (7) Patriotism, politics and war -- (8) The epilogue -- Chapter Two: Durkheim's religious quest. II: In professional achievement -- (1) To greater things -- (2) Disciples and the journal -- (3) Influence in the realm of education -- (4) 'More a priest than a scholar'? -- Chapter Three: The development of Durkheim's thought on religion. I: The early period -- (1) The search for lines of demarcation -- (2) Publications and substantive issues -- (3) The beginnings and early influences -- (4) Characteristics of the period -- Chapter Four: The development of Durkheim'sthought on religion. II: The middle period -- (1) The 'revelation' -- (2) Durkheim's reading of Robertson Smith -- (3) Feverish activity -- (4) Characteristics -- Chapter Five: The development of Durkheim'sthought on religion. III: The final formulation -- (1) The work continues with lectures, articles and thebook -- (2) The 1906-7 lectures: 'La Religion: les origines' -- (3) Les Formes elementaires -- (4) Its reception -- (5) Continued glory and demise -- PART TWO: Taking up positions -- Chapter Six: Procedures and assumptions -- (1) The religious beliefs of the sociologist -- (2) The careful experiment -- (3) The issue of totemism -- Chapter Seven: The sacred and the profane: the ground of religion. I: Defining the two poles -- (1) Introduction.

"This book addresses the question of whether, and if so how, religion benefits American democracy. Scholarly views about the answer are divided, as is public opinion. Some hold that religion is beneficial where democracy is concerned; others view it as detrimental; and still others take the middle view that there is "good religion" and "bad religion", and that it all depends on kind is winning. As Robert Wuthnow argues in this new book, these ways of thinking about this topic paint with too broad a brush. Religion as we know it in the United States is vastly diverse, and it is this diversity that has mattered, and still matters. It has mattered not in the abstract, but concretely in the give and take that has mobilized faith communities to engage energetically in the pressing issues of the day -- an engagement that has often involved contesting the influence of other faith communities. Wuthnow's argument is that the deep diversity of religion in American has had, by & large, salutary political consequences. People of faith care about what happens in the country and are keen to mobilize to express their convictions and advocate for policy outcomes in line with their views. The diversity of religious groups in the U.S. contributes to democracy by reducing the chances of any one view becoming preeminent and by bringing innovative ideas to bear on public debate. The book shows empirically what diverse religious groups have done over the past century in advocating for particular democratic values. Individual chapters are case studies that explore important instances in which religious groups advocated against tyranny and on behalf of freedom of conscience; for freedom of assembly; in favor of human dignity; for citizenship rights in the case of immigrants; and for an amelioration of the wealth gap. Plenty of books have been written over the last few decades on religion and politics in the U.S. that have been salvos in the long-running American culture wars. Such books have often decried the involvement of religion in American politics, called for a firmer separation of church and state on the grounds that democracy is better when religion retreats, and criticized the Religious Right in particular. This book, by contrast, offers a more nuanced account of what diverse religious groups have done in the U.S. over the past century in advocating for particular democratic values"--

"This book uses a cultural interaction approach to discuss numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin that house Daoist, Buddhist, and folk gods. Such deities were transmitted outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized. Examples include temple guardian gods that arrived in Japan from China and later became deified as part of the Five Mountain system, and a Daoist deity that transformed into a god in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu. The profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan are discussed, as well as Mt. Jiuhua, the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China, Lastly, the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent, such as Taiwan, Singapore, and Okinawa, is explored." -- back cover