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The authors article is a contribution to 50 years´ anniversary of signing the Rome Treaty establishing the European Economic Community, to better understanding the European Union, the relationship of the Union and the Member States. The issue of the European Union´s Constitution deadlock including the special issue of the weighting of votes as well as the issue of Poland´s and the Czech Republic´s position on the US offer to install a US led anti-missile system in the two EU Member States : these issues are demonstrating the one crucial identity issue of the relationship of the European Union and its Member States, the relationship of the whole and the parts. Viewing at transdisciplinary comparative reflections on the relationship of the whole and the parts in philosophy, philosophy of economics and in natural science as well as in the law and policy making system of the European Union: the author concludes that the parts do not constitute the whole as an end in itself, they are subject, however, to a functional dialectical role to achieve common objectives, they are bound by the rationalism´s principle of effectiveness which is one of the constitutional essentials of the Treaty establishing the European Union as the legal incorporation of the functional dialectical approach of combining integrative, cooperative and competitive interactions between the Member States. The author has a deeper look at the biology/cytology system of the cell as a complex network of intracellular and extracellular structures the individual components of which are highly interconnected and practice the dynamics of the dialectical relationship of the cell and its structural components of interconnected cooperative and competitive levels of the complex network: ensuring the vitality of the cell and preventing the cell´s intracellular components from losing their independent identity and getting mixed in the cytoplasm. What prevents the smaller Member States of an enlarged European Union from losing identity, from mixing in the "cytoplasm" of the larger European Union: it is the Union´s complex multileveled network system of the functional approach of the dialectical dynamic cooperative and competitive relationship of the Union and the Member States, the whole and the parts, and that dialectical functional relation prevents the enlarged European Union from being dismantled, as well. Part of that system the Membership of which Poland´s Government had signed is the legal and political commitment to respect Treaty obligations: to consult each other within the EU´s Council before undertaking bilateral actions having direct impact on the Common Foreign and Security Policy, to consult within the EU´s Council a common position before consulting the matter within NATO and,actually, before accepting the US offer to install a anti-missile shield in Central Europe.

The purpose of the article is to carry out a comprehensive characteristic of the general state of development of organic agriculture in Ukraine under the new green deal in the European Union and justify possible prospects. Research methods. In the process of researching the subject of this article, such methods were used: as normative-legal analysis (when comparing the normative component of Ukraine and the European Union), the method of scientific abstraction (when forming the hypothesis of the further algorithm of organic product development from the point of view of formal institutional and practical component), the method of scientific analysis (in assessing the degree of readiness of organic production in Ukraine to implement the conditions set by the regulations of the Council of Europe). Research results. The problems of Ukrainian legislation in the production and sale of organic products are analyzed, the ways and sequence of solving these problems are outlined. In connection with the decision in the EU to dramatically increase the area under organic production by 2030, the question arises about the impact of this decision on the prospects of this area in Ukraine in the long run. Therefore the article analyzes the market aspect reflecting existing indicators market conditions of organic food, identifies strengths and weaknesses from the standpoint of production and market, as well as assesses the critical provisions of the Council of Europe resolution on the adoption of the Green deal- and, in this context, what are the advantages and disadvantages of Ukraine one of the largest exporters to the country of the European Union, as well as the opportunities that the government has received for the further development of organic agriculture and its efficient functioning. Scientific novelty. An algorithm for achieving the goals of the green deal in the countries of the European Union has been formed, as well as the degree of Ukraine's readiness in the institutional and production aspects of applying the provisions of the adopted resolution in practice. Practical significance. Despite some positive changes in Ukraine's organic production, despite some positive changes, there are severe institutional problems that need to be addressed immediately and effectively, particularly in the field of legislation and standardization of organic products. Figs.: 4. Refs.: 28.

Climate change, migration flows, security – growing challenges like these are calling for new responses from EU development policy. Achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030 will in itself require additional financial resources of up to USD 2.5 trillion every year in middle- and low-income countries. Although the European Union (EU) and its Member States are already the biggest donors worldwide, the amount of public funds available is not enough to reach the SDGs. In their search for solutions, therefore, state and non-state actors are focusing squarely on linking public- and private-sector funding.Faced with ambitious climate targets and China's growing involvement in development finance, the current debate on the EU's future external financing is centred around reforming the institutional architecture. Such reforms are intended to boost green energy and employment in the partner countries and communicate a coherent European model of socioeconomic development to the outside world. While all actors agree that the EU's external financing architecture should be simpler, more visible and more efficient (European Commission, 2018), views on how this could actually be achieved vary widely. This led the Council of the EU to task a high-level Wise Persons Group with formulating various scenarios for creating an EU Development Bank.EU development financing is plagued by conflicting national and supranational interests and often sees institutional concerns prioritised over matters of content. Against this backdrop, we argue that institutional and content-related interests need to be better aligned if development financing is to be made more efficient and more sustainable. In particular, a reformed architecture for the EU's external financing has to do more to reconcile European sustainability and development goals with the needs of partners. Measuring impact against uniform standards will both help to achieve overarching objectives and convey a successful European development model. Given the importance of private capital for development finance, a reformed financial architecture should also consider the interests and rationales of the private sector. However, this will only be a winning formula if social, environmental and human rights standards do not take a back seat.

Climate change, migration flows, security - growing challenges like these are calling for new responses from EU development policy. Achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030 will in itself require additional financial resources of up to USD 2.5 trillion every year in middle- and low-income countries. Although the European Union (EU) and its Member States are already the biggest donors worldwide, the amount of public funds available is not enough to reach the SDGs. In their search for solutions, therefore, state and non-state actors are focusing squarely on linking public- and private-sector funding. Faced with ambitious climate targets and China's growing involvement in development finance, the current debate on the EU's future external financing is centred around reforming the institutional architecture. Such reforms are intended to boost green energy and employment in the partner countries and communicate a coherent European model of socioeconomic development to the outside world. While all actors agree that the EU's external financing architecture should be simpler, more visible and more efficient (European Commission, 2018), views on how this could actually be achieved vary widely. This led the Council of the EU to task a high-level Wise Persons Group with formulating various scenarios for creating an EU Development Bank. EU development financing is plagued by conflicting national and supranational interests and often sees institutional concerns prioritised over matters of content. Against this backdrop, we argue that institutional and content-related interests need to be better aligned if development financing is to be made more efficient and more sustainable. In particular, a reformed architecture for the EU's external financing has to do more to reconcile European sustainability and development goals with the needs of partners. Measuring impact against uniform standards will both help to achieve overarching objectives and convey a successful European development model. Given the importance of private capital for development finance, a reformed financial architecture should also consider the interests and rationales of the private sector. However, this will only be a winning formula if social, environmental and human rights standards do not take a back seat.

Can integrated conflict management systems (ICMSs) be fully and successfully integrated in unionized workplaces? This article proposes best‐practice guidelines based on new field research. It argues that integration is possible and beneficial for unions and organizations, but that certain considerations must be addressed to ensure that ICMSs complement and support unions' roles in the workplace rather than act as substitutes. When ICMSs are introduced and maintained collaboratively in a way that engages unions as key co‐owners of such systems, the article suggests they can ultimately be made more effective and resilient than when implemented in nonunion settings.

In this article, the author shows how earlier institutional explanations of union strength are theoretically and methodologically flawed. At odds with earlier research, the author argues that two institutional properties—the degree of centralization in the bargaining system and the workplace access of the union movement— will interactively influence the unionization process. The results of empirical tests speak in favor of the stated hypothesis. The combination of centralized bargaining and workplace access does not only positively influence the aggregate density levels but also cushions the effects of industrial, occupational, and demographic factors on the probability of being a union member.

The paper describes the diversity and unity of work organisation in service activities. It distinguishes a trend to 'service-sector Taylorism' from a contrasting tendency of 'professional autonomy', alongside the joint core described by the notion of 'market-based governance' of service work, which confronts the individual (service) worker with internalised markets. The new mode of governance has substantial impacts on working conditions. The concluding section discusses the need for a public debate on the shortcomings of service work organisation primarily driven by market forces. Market failures, such as labour shortages in social service activities, should be identified and confronted with a new basic assessment of the value of services and in particular social services. Trade unions may contribute to this debate by developing their own paradigms of good service work.

PurposeThis paper aims, by a direct comparison, to address the differences and similarities of the internationalization processes of multinational companies both from developed and emerging countries.Design/methodology/approachThis study employed qualitative approach, using an integrated model of internationalization process. Multiple case studies, with two companies with significant involvement in foreign markets and originating in countries with different levels of development, were carried out.FindingsThe results reveal that the case companies show some differences with regards to their use of ownership advantages to facilitate their internationalization. On the other hand, learning and experience of internationalization, coupled with the use of networks, have been factors that have influenced the pace and the pattern of the case companies' internationalization. An integrated model, which includes variables related to networks and learning/experience, may contribute to the understanding of the case of multinational companies from emerging economies.Originality/valueAlthough the research field of emerging multinationals has been growing lately, very few attempts have been made in the sense of directly comparing the internationalization process of firms from both developed and emerging countries. The authors proposed an integrated analytical model that draws on insights from the eclectic paradigm and the Uppsala internationalization model.

The customs sanctions of the EU-27 are not harmonized – the sanctioning of customs offences is still the task of the twenty-seven Member States and their national legislation. The US has attacked the purely national customs sanctions of the EU as break of the WTO rules in the WTO Dispute Settlement Case WT/DS315 'Selected Customs Matters' but they lost the case. Now an in depth research shows that twenty-six Member States have sufficient national customs sanctions. It also gives an overview about new ideas of the modernized EU Customs Codes on common customs sanctions. ; Pre-Print Proofs according to the Romeo/Sherpa-Policy for this yellow journal.