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Includes bibliographical references. ; African-American legal history / Malik Simba -- The religious roots of Black political ideology / Charles P. Henry -- The question of economic incentives as the historical catalyst to Black migration activity / Donald L. Yates -- Economic power of Afro-Americans in labor unions / Wallace L. Gatewood -- Black counterstream migration into the South, 1965-1978 / Marcus E. Jones -- A critical de-mystification of Reaganomics / Wylie S. Rogers -- Soweto [i.e. Soweco] to Soweto : colonialism from the United States Republic of South Africa / Howard O. Lindsey -- Where do we go from here / Vernell I. Scott -- Substantivist theory of development / Jordan Gebre-Mehdin. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Résumé Joukhadar Abdul-Halim. — Les étrangers au Koweït. La population du Koweit est majoritairement composée d'étrangers. Cette situation s'explique par les conditions assez difficiles d'obtention de la nationalité koweïtienne et par le volume des migrations récentes. Les pyramides d'âge et les proportions de chaque sexe dans la population étrangère se ressentent nettement de ces migrations. Le contraste entre les nationalités est très grand, chacune semble être spécialisée dans un type d'activité et de structure démographique. Schématiquement, Iraniens et Pakistanais sont manœuvres et vivent sans leur famille tandis que les Palestiniens occupent les emplois les plus spécialisés et vivent avec leur famille.

Through examining bonded service relations in Britain; slavery and neo-slavery in the U.S.A., Tsarist Russia, and Southern Africa; and what is normally perceived as `migration', it is shown that ascriptive constraint and non-wage coercion increases with the expansion of capitalism and, moreover, that this is not a feature of `early stages' but crucial to such `high technology' areas as the European motor car industry. Closes by arguing for the recognition of `migration' as the circulation of a commodity (labour power) and for the primacy of relations of production, in the combination of relations and forces which define particular production modes.

The paper aims to identify the nature of poverty of squatter of Kathmandu valley in the context of exploring urban poverty. It has conceptualized poverty, urbanization, slum, and squatter. It has explored the social, economic and political background of squatter people. This paper also explores the nature of access of squatter people to basic requirements. It has discussed that squatter is a social formation formed by rural-urban migration of poor people to search options of livelihood. Keywords: Poor; slum area; migration; urbanization; livelihood DOI: 10.3126/dsaj.v4i0.4519 Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol.4 2010 pp.179-192

Migration is a fundamental aspect of international political economy (IPE). It encompasses every aspect of the field of study but has been distanced from IPE mainstream. Nonetheless, it is an international phenomenon that requires joint participation and negotiation between the sending and receiving countries to determine their policies. Migration generates interdependence from below, where micro-structures are initiated by the people. States, politic, economic and social aspects are inherently touched by people's mobility. In this article we will highlight the impact that remittances have on the home country, and how dependent Guatemala is on fluctuations of the host country. It will explore how remittances shape Guatemala's economy.This article will follow three main questions: Why do people migrate from Guatemala to the United States? How does emigration impact Guatemala economically and socially? What are the challenges the Guatemalan government faces and needs to overcome to move forward from an ever growing dependency on emigration? It will be argued that remittances generate a greater dependency to the US. Remittances represent one of the main incomes in Guatemala. Not only are they bound to the receiving country's volatility (e.g. economic crisis and immigration law), they are not sustainable in the long term. But underdeveloped countries have yet to realise this in their policies, as remittances feature as a cushion to the balance of payment and emigration a relief to unemployment rates. Nevertheless, it is an issue that has to be targeted immediately. Furthermore, it is argued that social networks are the cornerstone of migration. The social impact on determinants of out-migration, diaspora and return are all intertwined within security issues, where American originated gangs return to their home countries, exporting criminal behaviour (known as the cost of social remittances). (1) Maras in conjunction with organised crime are new actors in determinants of emigration. This vicious circle revolves not only around IPE but becomes an international security issue. The state must act now for it to avoid its own erosion and cataclysm in the long term, taking down its credibility, economy and security.Heated debates come afloat between international migration and economic development. On one hand, there is the assumption that economic development will enhance emigration and others who argue the opposite. This article will favour the latter argument that development will improve conditions for potential migrants to stay home. Since Guatemala's emigration came basically from political instability and insecurity, an important variable is the current economic and security situation. Internal migration and refugee movements initiated during the civil war and terror repression, were it is estimated that over 200,000 people were killed or disappeared. A politically generated migration mobilised and displaced 1.5 million people between 1981 and 1983. (2) Most people fled to neighbouring countries as refugees and asylum seekers. This migration tendency was eased once democracy returned and peace accords signed in 1996. There are currently 1.4 million Guatemalan migrants in the US, of which more than half are undocumented. Violence in Guatemala has not ceased and therefore maras or gangs, corruption and insecurity are current out-migration push factors. Development should include not only economic development (higher GDP), but should be complemented with social development that pursues poverty alleviation, education, and security.Remittances have captured most of the attention concerning migration. Worker remittances are defined as 'the quantity of currency that migrants earn abroad and then send home to their families and communities'. (3) They are a source of foreign (hard) currency and can be used towards consumption, savings, investment, affecting both the household's and the country's economy. Globally, remittances to middle and low income countries in 1990 amounted to US$ 31 billion; in 2006 the amount increased to US$ 200 billion. (4) One fourth was sent to Latin America of which US$ 52 billion were sent back and can be compared to foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) flows.A growing concern in Latin America refers to remittances vis-à-vis GDP. Mexico is the first recipient of remittances in Latin America (net billion and in 2005 represented 45% of recipient of remittances). In Guatemala, remittances constitute one of the highest sources of household income and represent a large percentage of the country's GDP (11,3%) compared to the less than 5% in Mexico. Given the importance of economic migrants sending money home, any fluctuation or variation in the receiving country will make the sending countries even more vulnerable and dependant than what they already are. Latin American countries face a big challenge: create more employment possibilities at home and persuade potential migrants to stay, or ignore and continue, in their best interest, encouraging emigration to ease unemployment rates and gain from remittances. Until now, remittances have been a consistent income for developing countries. They constitute a positive aspect of emigration. However, in the long run, a country cannot rely on 'comfortable' income from emigrants dissatisfied by their government's instability and incapacity to create jobs, and wage differential. The free ride is bound to end, and attention has to be paid before it is too late. (5) Guatemala has become excessively reliant on remittances. The main setback is that they are not sustainable in a long term. If the trend continues, further emigration will stimulate depopulation of the home country. Consequently, economic development through GDP is not the long term answer to fight off dependence on remittances. On the other hand, social and human development needs to be fostered and invest in education, healthcare, poverty reduction and security.The latter issue has given migration a new twist. It represents another major issue to governments to tackle urgently, and a determinant of further emigration due to the growing violence in the territory, just as civil war times in Guatemala. International organised crime and migration has to seek state intervention and international cooperation. If migration and security are not managed wisely, Guatemala can expect a downward spiral and meltdown in the long term. (1) Alejandro Portes, Migration and Development: A Conceptual Review of the Evidence', Working Paper, Red Internacional Migracion y Desarrollo, 2006. http://meme.phpwebhosting.com/~migracion/rimd/bellagio/2.pdf Accessed on 17/08/2010.p. 19.(2) IOM, 'Guatemala, Country Profile', http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/guatemala Accessed on 01/08/2010.(3) Manuel Orozco, 'Globalization and Migration: the Impact of Family Remittances in Latin America', Latin American Politics and Society, 44:2 (Summer 2002), p. 43.(4) Acosta, Pablo, Fajnzylber, and Lopez, J. Humberto, 'How Important Are Remittances in Latin America?, in Pablo Fajnzylber and J. Humbert Lopez, eds., Remittances and Development: Lessons from Latin America. Washington DC: World Bank/The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2008, p.1. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Remittances_and_Development_Report.pdf Accessed on 30/08/2010.(5) Emigration has been sought as a 'necessary evil': 'supplying needed short-term economic and social benefits but also imposing immediate human and cultural host hindering long-term development'. Marc R. Rosenblum, 'Moving Beyond the Policy of No Policy: Emigration from Mexico and Central America', Latin American Politics and Society, volume 46, number 4, Winter 2004, p. 104.*Licenciada en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay.MA. International Political EconomyUniversity of Warwick Graduate

Thirty years of suicide rates for Guam were analyzed by age, sex, period, and cohort. Youth suicide increased rapidly in the 1990s; certain cohorts have higher rates. Four explanatory factors are discussed, including ecological factors and migration from

U ovom radu istražuje se postojeća razina pravne zaštite klimatskih migranata u međunarodnom pravu i pravu Europske unije, kao i posljedice koje bi sadašnji pristup mogao imati na vladavinu prava. Najprije se analizira pružaju li postojeći pravno obvezujući instrumenti izbjegličkog i klimatskog prava klimatskim migrantima zaštitu i u tom pogledu se primjećuje pravna praznina. Zatim se istražuje napredak koji je postignut nedavno usvojenim soft law instrumentima i odlukom Odbora UN-a za prava čovjeka u slučaju Teitiota, koja, iako štiti pravo na non-refoulement, istovremeno postavlja stroge uvjete za njegovo ostvarenje, koji mogu ugroziti njegovu primjenu. Naredni dio rada analizira postojeću literaturu o vezi između klimatskih promjena i migracija na primjeru građanskog rata u Siriji, jačanje antiimigracijskog populizma koji je uslijedio te prijetnju koju takvi pokreti mogu nanijeti vladavini prava. Autorice zaključuju da bi planski i sustavni pristup međunarodne zajednice klimatskim migracijama te nastavak dobrih bilateralnih i regionalnih praksi razini mogli doprinijeti sprječavanju naglih porasta masovnih migracija, koji mogu dovesti do širenja antiimigracijskih populističkih pokreta. ; This paper explores the current level of legal protection of climate migrants in international and European Union law and the repercussions that the present approach might have on the rule of law. It first analyses whether the current binding instruments of refugee and climate change law offer any protection for climate migrants and identifies a legal gap in this regard. It then briefly addresses the progress made by recently adopted soft law instruments and the UN Human Rights Committee decision in the Teitiota case, at the same time pointing out that the latter decision has set criteria which might jeopardise the realisation of the non-refoulement right which it aims to guarantee. The paper then analyses the literature on the link of climate change and migration, using the example of the Syrian civil war, the rise of anti-immigration populism which subsequently occurred, as well as the threat that such movements might pose for the rule of law. The authors conclude that the planned and systematic response of the international community to climate migration and continued good regional and bilateral practices are more likely to prevent sudden spikes in mass migration which could lead to anti-immigration populist movements.

This study explores the far-reaching economic consequences emerging from the archipelagic nature of most Pacific Island countries (PICs). The dispersion of populations across thousands of miles of ocean and hundreds of islands magnifies the economic disadvantages arising from the remoteness and small size that characterize the PICs as a whole. At the same time, population dispersion creates extraordinary challenges related to public service delivery, connectivity, migration and urbanization, and the equity and inclusiveness of economic development. This study focuses on these challenges in pursuit of two main objectives: deepening the understanding of socio-economic conditions on the PICs' outer islands and the drivers of migration from outer islands to main islands; and reviewing the policy and investment options for fostering the socio-economic development of outer islands populations. This overview summarizes the main findings in five parts. First, the authors present the objectives and outline of the full report. This is followed by a section which explains how the PICs' external and internal geography are key determinants of socio-economic development outcomes and spatial inequalities. The third part presents data on spatial inequality with respect to a range of socio-economic indicators, public services, connectivity, and migration. In the fourth part, the authors discuss interactions between geographic dispersion and key political economy issues that shape spatial economic policy decisions and outcomes. The report concludes with a summary of policy options for dealing with the development challenges arising from geographic dispersion.

В данной статье рассмотрен процесс развития законодательства в XX веке о противодействии незаконной миграции в Италии. Проанализированы основные законопроекты XX века. На основе данного исследования сделан вывод о необходимости заимствования опыта Италии в этом вопросе. ; This article describes the development of legislation in the XX century on combating an illegal migration in Italy. There were analyzed the basic laws of the XX century. The conclusion is about the necessity of borrowing the experience of Italy in this sphere.

This article has the objective to analyze immigration public policy of Ecuador in the case of Venezuelan immigration crisis, taking into consideration the period from August 2018 until mid-2019. The research is based on a theoretical framework of human rights in which the data for the analysis are taken from the information contained in press releases, declarations of public officials, legal norms and judicial decisions. The results show that the inclusive and guarantee legal framework of rights in immigration matters of Ecuador contrasts with actions of the executive branch aimed at limiting rights and differentiated treatment towards people of Venezuelan nationality in their entry and transit through Ecuador. It is concluded that a securitist migration public policy has been implemented that contradicts the existing constitutional and legal framework. KEY WORDS: Ecuador, Venezuela, immigration, public policy, humanitarian crisis JEL CODE / CLASIFICACIÓN JEL: F22, O15 ; RESUMENEl artí­culo tiene por objetivo analizar la polí­tica pública migratoria del Ecuador frente al caso de la crisis migratoria venezolana, tomando en consideración el periodo comprendido entre agosto de 2018 hasta mediados del año 2019. Se elaboró a partir del marco teórico de los derechos humanos. Los datos para el análisis son tomados a partir de la información contenida en notas de prensa, declaraciones de funcionarios públicos, normas legales y decisiones judiciales. Los resultados muestran que el marco jurí­dico inclusivo y garantista de derechos en materia migratoria del Ecuador contrasta con acciones del poder ejecutivo tendientes a la limitación de derechos y trato diferenciado hacia las personas de nacionalidad venezolana en su ingreso y tránsito por el paí­s. Se concluye que se ha implementado una polí­tica pública migratoria securitista que contradice el marco constitucional y legal existente. ABSTRACTThis article has the objective to analyze immigration public policy of Ecuador in the case of Venezuelan immigration crisis, taking into consideration the period from August 2018 until mid-2019. The research is based on a theoretical framework of human rights in which the data for the analysis are taken from the information contained in press releases, declarations of public officials, legal norms and judicial decisions. The results show that the inclusive and guarantee legal framework of rights in immigration matters of Ecuador contrasts with actions of the executive branch aimed at limiting rights and differentiated treatment towards people of Venezuelan nationality in their entry and transit through Ecuador. It is concluded that a securitist migration public policy has been implemented that contradicts the existing constitutional and legal framework. KEY WORDS: Ecuador, Venezuela, immigration, public policy, humanitarian crisis JEL CODE / CLASIFICACIÓN JEL: F22, O15

In this paper we aim to map public preferences in the domain of asylum policy in order to explore the various lines of conflict and their intensity in the aftermath of the refugee crisis. Taking as a starting point the EU polity's two-level structure, we study both transnational lines of conflict looking at polarisation between countries with regard to the major asylum-related policies that have been proposed or adopted during the different phases of the refugee crisis, and domestic lines of conflict looking at the polarization between various groups within countries in terms of their general support for migration and party allegiances. Utilising an original cross-national survey fielded in 16 EU member states, we find that conflicts surrounding asylum policy are more intense at the domestic level between supporters and opponents of migrations, than at the transnational one between various types of countries. Moreover, such conflicts are being structured around the relocation of asylum applicants debate (involving quotas or compensation), while other policies involving external or internal bordering (such as the EBCG and general border closures) or externalisation (such as the EU-Turkey deal) are comparatively less polarising. Generally, our results show that the conflict potentials of immigration policies, rather than being fully mobilised or alleviated, are still large and have markedly increased, especially in the destination states of north-western Europe over the last few years, with implications for the options available to policy makers.

In the transition to democracy and a market economy, the Central and Eastern European countries experienced rapid and fundamental changes. Large-scale emigration flows and pronounced reductions in previously universal welfare systems increased the phenomenon of 'left behind' older adults. We examine this phenomenon in the case of Poland, a rather family-oriented society which in recent years sent most emigrants to Western Europe in absolute terms. Employing a support system framework and representative survey data, we enquire into older adults' support patterns. Our results suggest that older adults in Poland rely predominantly on family support, although this varies greatly across living arrangements. We also find a positive association between distance separating parents and their closest child, and support from at least one non-kin. Yet, our findings reveal differences between practical and emotional support, with the latter being more likely to be provided by non-kin, but with distance mattering to a lesser degree. Parents with very distant child(ren) are few and differ only from parents with very proximate child(ren), a finding prompting the question as to what is the difference between being 'left behind' by international and by internal migration. We conclude that the phenomenon of 'left behind' in Poland, at least in terms of support, is less a matter of children's migration and more an issue of household and regional context.

The impact of the two main religions on demographic behaviour until the middle of the 20th century is striking and, depending on religious affiliation, remarkable differences can be observed with regard to celibacy, fertility and size of family. In Catholic regions all three were much higher at the end of the 18th century already. As from the middle of the 19th century migration increased considerably to Protestant towns and industrialised regions from within the country and from abroad and this included a large number of Catholics. Migration affected both the migrant and the indigenous populations. On the one hand those immigrants coming from regions practising little or no birth control adopted the family limitation characteristic of the local population after a period of adjustment and, on the other hand, immigrants practicing family limitation influenced the conservative agrarian Catholic population that received them. Nevertheless, important differences existed within each main religion and there was also some notable atypical demographic behaviour according to affiliation within Protestantism, as seen in Pietism, and to a certain extent, too, within the Catholic population, depending on their political views. The erosion both of the "State" religion and of the influence of the Catholic Church as from the end of the 19th century contributed above all in urban and industrialised contexts to an increase in the proportion of mixed marriages and to a process of secularisation which resulted in a significant reduction in fertility.

While economic migration from Mexico to the United States has a long history, the recent expansion of the remittance economy driven by migration is causing rapid transformation of both the built environment and society in rural Mexico. Many Hometown Associations (HTAs)—or clubs that represent a particular hometown in Mexico—collectively finance public buildings in small Mexican villages. Recognizing this major source of funding for development, the Mexican federal government created the Tres Por Uno (3x1) program in 2001. In this program, migrant remittances sent through clubs in the U.S. are multiplied by municipal, state, and federal Mexican funds for regional development. 3x1 and HTAs are strategically linked, as 3x1 both motivates migrant organization in the U.S. and incites the Mexican government to act on behalf of rural Mexico. On the surface, this relationship appears to be beneficial to both parties, as migrants receive support for building projects and the Mexican state can achieve development targets with minimal investment. However, I argue that this nascent model of development—what I term the Remittance Development Model (RDM)—challenges the role of the state in improving municipal spaces, and institutionalizes migrant ambivalence associated with remitting as a way of life. The RDM, investigated through ethnographic research, policy data, and site analysis, also produces complex, ambiguous results for migrants, their families and their home communities, who must balance new kinds of freedom and agency with familial fragmentation and changing social norms.