A vexing modern conundrum is to be solved. The use of oil, gas, and coal is extremely short-lived as a historical phenomenon: a mere blink of an eye at a little more than 1% of total urban history of 10,000 years to-date. Yet current urban civilization is almost entirely based on it. And the fossil-fuel economy poses not only a massive security risk, it also lies at the root of the vast majority of urban sustainability problems. Fresh water depletion, air pollution, widespread human fatalities can be directly traced to the excessive use of these dirty energy sources. Climate change, predominantly triggered by fossil-fuel combustion, only deepens the very questions the impending petroleum peak raises about the survivability of the global urban system. The fossil disease is a complex global pandemic. To many, conquering this pandemic is an extraordinary challenge of technology: of reengineering the manner in which urban civilization is powered, advancing a future envisioned in numerous studies since the 1970s. Yet foremost, this is a cultural, psychological, and political challenge. The global economy is systematically identified with its underlying fossil supply frameworks—it is a fossil economy. It is marked by an incendiary illusion: the celebration of abundance promised as achievable by all, driving virtually all aspects of contemporary culture. Yet it is also marred with enormous pockets of deprivation, and deep cracks of disbelief, criticism, and dissent. Reinforcing this challenge is the psychoeconomical transaction cost of change, the sheer inertia of an infernal development system, however short-lived it inevitably is. Despite all lip service paid to 'energy savings' and 'environmentally sustainable development' in urban policy documents and brochures across the globe, dominant political and financial interests demand that as much fossil fuel as possible is used, and as quickly as possible, to secure the highest possible profits for the most powerful, and in the shortest period of time. Hence many national governments and international bodies find it so difficult to place fossil-fuel replacement on the global agenda. It is easier to avoid this topic and talk about buffering, mitigating what are little else than subsidiary, flow-on effects and collateral outcomes of an unsolved energy conundrum: air, water and soil pollution, public health problems, deforestation or fresh water depletion. Rarely, if ever, is petroleum abuse clearly noted as a root cause. A historical revolution is in progress: the move from fossil fuels, nuclear power, and other forms of unsustainable energy use generation to a renewable and sustainable power base for urban communities, cities, towns, and villages. Many examples of positive initiatives encourage, and are testimony to the ability of cities and towns to perform as communities, and evolve into settings of greater independence from fossil and nuclear power sources. They carry the promise of greater energy autonomy based on renewable energy, of recapturing regional productivity, advancing local resources, and enabling new industries and employment opportunities.
Transformation of philosophical education touches upon the generalcourses and the whole system of philosophical disciplines provided both thefuture specialists in Philosophy and other specialties. Regarding the last group,it is worth of suggesting the course of Philosophy depending on the specialty, e.g.Philosophy of Law, Philosophy of Economics, Philosophy of Language. It isalso necessary to take into consideration the individual choice of student-magisters in choosing special courses, which they can listen together with the students of philosophical specialty. In the prospect, there is a need to provide thegeneral course of Philosophy in the upper secondary school and gymnasiumsphilosophical education is concentrated on the block of theoretical and practical Philosophy. The first one covers Metaphysics, Ontology, PhilosophicalAnthropology, Gnoseology, Phemenology, Methodology (philosophy) ofScience and, in particular, Philosophy of Humanitarian Science. The block ofpractical Philosophy is especially important one: Ethics, Philosophy of Law,Political Philosophy, Philosophy of Culture, Philosophy of Language,Philosophy of History, Ecological Philosophy, Philosophy of Education, etc.The institutional andnon-institutional factors, which should be regarded likeinfrastructural ones, are playing an important role in the contemporary philosophical education. The level of the professional philosophical education is getting lower due to the weak language preparation (especially in the field ofancient languages), lack of the classical texts in the libraries and academic institutions. One of the most essential indicators of educational possibilities is thequality of the domestic philosophical research (the area of which has achievedthe critical measure recently in our country) and also publicity of philosophicallife, prevalence of discussions in philosophical and popular science periodicals.Their unsatisfactory state has a negative impact on the motivational backgroundof philosophical education perception, its reasonability. ; Трансформація філософської освіти торкаєтьсязагальних курсів і всієї системи викладанняфілософських дисциплін, як для майбутніх фахівців,так і для нефілософів. Для останніх не вартообмежуватись загальними курсами, а залежно відфаху пропонувати філософію права, філософіюекономіки, філософію мови і т.ін. Потрібно розраховувати на можливість індивідуального виборустудентами-магістрами спецкурсів, які вони можуть слухати разом з вихованцями філософських факультетів. У перспективінеобхідно орієнтуватися на викладання філософських курсів загальногохарактеру вже в старших класах гімназій (шкіл), як це робиться у Європі.Перебудова фахової філософської освіти зосереджується, в першу чергу, наблоках теоретичної і практичної філософії. Перший охоплює метафізику,онтологію, філософську антропологію, гносеологію, феноменологію, методологію (філософію) науки і, зокрема, філософію гуманітарних наук. Надзвичайноважливим є блок дисциплін практичної філософії: етика, філософія права,соціальна філософія, політична філософія, філософія культури, філософія мови,філософія історії, філософія освіти, екологічна філософія тощо. Велику роль усучасній філософській освіті відіграють інституціональні та позаінституціональні чинники, які можна вважати інфраструктурними. Рівень професійноїфілософської освіти особливо потерпає від слабкої мовної підготовки (особливов царині давніх мов), незадовільного забезпечення класичними текстамибібліотечних і академічних установ. Суттєвим індукуючим щодо освітніхможливостей можна вважати якість вітчизняних філософських досліджень,ареал яких звузився до критичної межі, а також пов'язану з цим публічністьфілософського життя, розповсюдженість дискусій на сторінках філософськоїі науково-популярної періодики. Їх незадовільний стан негативно впливає намотиваційне тло сприйняття філософської освіти, її резонансність.
In different countries the profession of social work has "done its work" for more or less than a century. In Lithuania its history is revived and closely related to social transformation that has taken place after the restoration of Independence in 1990. The question of how fully, if at all, social work has achieved professional status has been debated throughout the last century. It is known that efforts to evaluate whether social work is a "semi-profession" or a "fullydeveloped" profession have been made by J. Baird. Already in 1972 social work was considered as a profession. In the opinion of J. Baird to evaluate the status of the profession depends on whether social work is being measured by classical criteria of once "free" professions, or by contemporary criteria that are relevant to helping professions which are substiantially committed to public and governmental service enterprise. The present picture of the professionalization of social work has changed. American social work's aspirations to professionalization is a natural process in a liberal market economy, because the profession is created and strengthened as a result of the personal interests of those earning a living by it. The status of social work as a profession is not unequivocally fixed. There are some aspects that are considered as negative to the professionalization of social work. Namely, the private practice of social work which is said has been growing dynamically since the middle of the 20th century. But with the dramatic rise of medical care, social workers are said to return to their original mission. The nature of professional practice in any particular state is grounded in the historical and cultural context as mediated through political, economical and social systems. This makes social work difficult to define at the global level, and attempts to identify a universal essence of social work are problematic. Despite this apparent difficulty, there are some general definitions of social work. Definitions provoke many questions. Is it possible to develop a universal definition of social work? If so, how well does this definition describe social work throughout the world? Does this definition apply to social work where I live? And the like. At the beginning of the 21st century, the European countries have faced many problems of a different nature. In order to understand the nature of these problems an attempt is made to categorize them. Much is asked of social workers, and they are ones that are expected to make a difference by empowering human beings to change self and society. The conclusion is that it is worthwhile to explore, review social work as a profession because, according to Midgley, there is a "need to develop a broad international approach to the study of social work to generate a global awareness that enhances the ability of social workers to transcend their preocupation with the local and contextualize their role within a global setting"
In different countries the profession of social work has "done its work" for more or less than a century. In Lithuania its history is revived and closely related to social transformation that has taken place after the restoration of Independence in 1990. The question of how fully, if at all, social work has achieved professional status has been debated throughout the last century. It is known that efforts to evaluate whether social work is a "semi-profession" or a "fullydeveloped" profession have been made by J. Baird. Already in 1972 social work was considered as a profession. In the opinion of J. Baird to evaluate the status of the profession depends on whether social work is being measured by classical criteria of once "free" professions, or by contemporary criteria that are relevant to helping professions which are substiantially committed to public and governmental service enterprise. The present picture of the professionalization of social work has changed. American social work's aspirations to professionalization is a natural process in a liberal market economy, because the profession is created and strengthened as a result of the personal interests of those earning a living by it. The status of social work as a profession is not unequivocally fixed. There are some aspects that are considered as negative to the professionalization of social work. Namely, the private practice of social work which is said has been growing dynamically since the middle of the 20th century. But with the dramatic rise of medical care, social workers are said to return to their original mission. The nature of professional practice in any particular state is grounded in the historical and cultural context as mediated through political, economical and social systems. This makes social work difficult to define at the global level, and attempts to identify a universal essence of social work are problematic. Despite this apparent difficulty, there are some general definitions of social work. Definitions provoke many questions. Is it possible to develop a universal definition of social work? If so, how well does this definition describe social work throughout the world? Does this definition apply to social work where I live? And the like. At the beginning of the 21st century, the European countries have faced many problems of a different nature. In order to understand the nature of these problems an attempt is made to categorize them. Much is asked of social workers, and they are ones that are expected to make a difference by empowering human beings to change self and society. The conclusion is that it is worthwhile to explore, review social work as a profession because, according to Midgley, there is a "need to develop a broad international approach to the study of social work to generate a global awareness that enhances the ability of social workers to transcend their preocupation with the local and contextualize their role within a global setting"
The Road to Absalom is set in contemporary South Africa, where, for much of the predominantly young population, the country's ancien regime is little more than a childhood memory. David is a young articled clerk living a hedonistic and carefree life with his model girlfriend, Georgina, in Cape Town. When the entire family of the Xhosa chief of a remote rural valley is murdered he is sent in search of any remaining heirs. The new chief would be a lucrative client for the law firm. The search begins at the site of the massacre. David discovers that the only surviving heir, Absalom, has been missing for several years. He picks up the trail at Absalom's old university, where an ex-lecturer tells him about Absalom's early political consciousness (dismay at his family's collaboration with the white regime), his increasing rebelliousness, and his eventual disappearance. Local gangsters tell David more about Absalom's life as a criminal and an exile from his own family, circumstances which led him to move to Soweto. David drives across the interior of South Africa to Soweto, but does not find Absalom. His contact there arranges a meeting with Absalom's mentor and protector - Pius, a chief drug-smuggler resident in Swaziland. The hours of driving give David the time and perspective to reflect on his life in Cape Town: his dysfunctional relationship with Georgina, his fixation on his mixed-race high school lover, Angeline, his unwanted job and his ambivalent relationship with his family. He suspects that his supposedly convenient life has been constructed from fear or self-deception, and he is forced to re-evaluate his motivations. The meeting with Pius uncovers broad issues involving local and global politics that have contributed to Absalom's family's massacre and to his disappearance. However, Absalom has left to train as a Sangoma. David drives to Durban, where another sangoma gives him directions to the initiate's retreat in the Drakensberg mountains. He finds Absalom's spiritual master, a secretive bushman shaman, who explains that Absalom had abandoned his spiritual studies when he was told to do so by a powerful Spirit of nature. With the shaman's help David experiences a vision of Absalom's new hide-away on the coast. In the morning David follows the directions of his vision until he finds Absalom. The pair combine their knowledge: it emerges that their respective pasts have locked them into their present trajectories. David's family and his law firm (as well as a giant construction company and the World Bank) are involved in the events leading up to the massacre, while the past betrayals of the chief's family helped bring about their deaths. However, the pair abstain from the roles described for them by history, choosing instead to construct their own responses in an attempt to continue towards self-determining lives.
The impact of the presence of a city park in a neighborhood is profound in several ways. A case in point is Barden Park in the South Side/Barden Park Neighborhood of St. Cloud, Minnesota. This paper will discuss the development of the park throughout history; the development of parks as an essential part of the American city such as Central Park in New York City, Central-Loring Park in Minneapolis, and Central-Barden Park in St. Cloud. Barden Park, originally named Central Park in 1855, is a prime example of the origination of public parks, first in the United States and later throughout the world. Urban planners of that time were beginning to see the benefit of recreation and green spaces for people who were living in the expanding urban environments of the United States. Central Park St. Cloud followed Central Park New York which was designated in 1853. Central Park New York was the first public park of its kind in the world. Vintage post card images of early central parks, found in the appendix of this paper, show central parks in all areas of the country. These images also show the characteristics that are common in central parks of the nineteenth century. The contemporary definition of park is a democratic notion. We believe that parks were a public good for the benefit and enjoyment of all members of society and not only for the elite. By 1885 Central Park Minneapolis was a reality, although St. Cloud Minnesota had its Central Park thirty years before. The name Central Park t. Cloud was changed to Barden Park in the spring of 1938 in honor of Charles Barden who was volunteer superintendent of St. Cloud parks. Central Park Minneapolis was also renamed Loring Park in honor of its superintendent. The following is a list and brief description of structures and monuments that have been part of the park's landscape: Wood Band Stand. Granite Band Stand. It was constructed of local granite. Fountains. There have been two fountains in the park. Cannon. It was removed for WWII scrap metal. Monument/Drinking Fountain. This monument is the water fountain that a 1925 park record indicates cost $50,000 and was "to be of granite." Plantings and Landscaping. The park is filled with mature oak trees and a circular flower garden. A neighborhood organization has been working in recent years to preserve and restore the South Side/Barden Park Neighborhood. Of all the events that have taken place in Barden "Central" Park over the years the annual St. Cloud City Band summer concerts have been the most anticipated and best attended. . In order to restore the park a historical survey of the park was compiled. St. Cloud Historic and Neighborhood Preservation Association raised the funds needed to hire a professional historian as a consultant, designated the park a local historic, and raised funds for a new fountain and qther restoration following the city's master plan for restoration of Barden Park.
El presente trabajo procura contribuir al estudio de los procesos actuales de organización popular y gestión de proyectos por parte de redes de organizaciones comunitarias en el Gran Buenos Aires (Argentina). Es el resultado de un estudio de caso sobre el proceso de articulación de una red de organizaciones de base: Comunidad Organizada, ubicada en una de las áreas más pobres del Gran Buenos Aires (Cuartel V, partido de Moreno), y constituida en unas de las crisis más severas de la historia argentina. La misma ha comenzado un proceso de autoorganización para el mejoramiento de la infraestructura urbana, y actualmente está abocada a un proyecto de construcción de la Red de Distribución de Gas Natural en cinco barrios. Las hipótesis resultantes de esta investigación son tres. En primer lugar, frente a las fallas del mercado y la quiebra del Estado, la población de estos barrios impulsa procesos de organización local autónomos y prescindentes de las estructuras políticas e incluso gubernamentales. Por otro lado, la articulación en red de las organizaciones de base les permite consolidarse; asumir proyectos de una magnitud impensable en el marco de unas pocas organizaciones y entablar nuevas relaciones con actores que amplían sus posibilidades (otras redes, ONGs, organismos internacionales, etc). Por último, debido al modo de funcionamiento en red (abierto, horizontal, asambleístico, etc.) y a su radio de acción (toda la comunidad), modalidad organizativa novedosa para la sociedad argentina genera tensiones, en términos de superposición y competencia, y desafía a los actores y las maquinarias políticas tradicionales caracterizadas por el clientelismo y la verticalidad. ; The purpose of this presentation is to make a contribution to the study of contemporary processes of grassroots organizations and project management by networks of community organizations in the Great Buenos Aires (Argentina). This is the result of a case study about the articulation process of a network of grassroots organizations placed in one of the poorest areas of the metropolitan area during the peak of the recent socio-economic crisis of Argentinean history. This network called "Organized Community" began a process of self-organization with the purpose of developing basic urban infrastructure in five neighborhoods. There are three main hypotheses. First, toward the failure of both the market and the state, population of these neighborhoods propels processes of local organization that are autonomous of political and governmental existing structures. Second, the articulation of a network of grassroots organizations allows them to consolidate, face bigger and more ambitious projects and to establish relationships and alliances with strategic actors (other networks, professional NGOs, international agencies, etc.). Finally, because of the way of functioning of the network almost as a collective organization (hori-zontal and open in an assembly manner) reaching the entire community in a novel way for Argentinean society, it generates tensions and competition, challenging well established political actors and machineries characterized by clientelistic practices and verticality.
SUMMARY: In this article Igor Alekseev addresses fundamentalism as a way of reinterpreting Islamic history. Alekseev begins by questioning the terms of the discussion, such as "fundamentalism," "extremism," and "radicalism," and notes that these terms have become loaded with meanings that have little to do with Islam.
Drawing on M. Kemper's work, Alekseev introduces the concept of "Islamic discourse," which includes a discussion of the relevance of Islamic terms and concepts to the situation of a given Muslim author, as well as the degree to which contemporary conditions correspond to some ideal vision of Islam. For Alekseev, Islamic fundamentalism is the most extreme case of such a discourse. Noting that return to the source of tradition has been prominent in the dynamics of Islamic cultures as a means to overcome crises, Alekseev discusses concepts of return to the source of tradition in Sunni Islam ( salafiyya ) and in the Shi'ia tradition ( usuli ). Alekseev argues that these concepts have innovative and reformist rather than retrograde connotations for Islamic scholars. Thus, one of the basic ideas of Islamic fundamentalism, as opposed to a Western construct of it, is the notion of "correcting" the social and political ways of Islamic societies through innovation. The latter is achieved by extracting guiding principles from the sources of tradition.
Alekseev maintains that this general conception of innovation undergoes minor yet crucial changes in the hands of today's fundamentalists, who demand restoration of early Islamic social institutions according to a selective vision of the shari'a . This selectivity demands a return to "pure faith" and attempts to monopolize the truth.
Alekseev explores historical precedents of radical innovation in Islam, focusing on Wahhabism and its reception and impact on Islamic movements in the twentieth century. For Alekseev, the Wahhabi logic of intolerance represents an extreme case of a universal Islamic discourse of "gathering the broken ummah. " Alekseev then explores the role of Jemal ad-Din al-Afghani in the modernization of Islamic discourse and the articulation of a concept of Islamic unity cast in distinctly nationalist rhetoric. According to the author, terms used to describe "nation" ( millet in Turkic languages and ummah arabiyya in Arabic) did not allow for the separation of ethnic and confessional unity. The same line of development merging nationalism and Islam was visible in the doctrine of the "Muslim Brotherhood," whose organization emerged in Egypt in the 1920s. Despite the emergence of "progressive" and "socialist" Islam in the 1970s, radical Islamic movements gained prominence and often were seen as a counterweight to Soviet/Communist influence.
Alekseev concludes that the relative success of various Islamic radical movements can be explained in terms of their manipulation and use of the Islamic discourse of innovation. At the same time, the inability to write Western notions of progress and modernization into Islamic discourses intensifies the appeal of fundamentalism in the face of failed attempts to consolidate "the broken ummah ."
The paper documents the recent history of higher education financing in Australia. It is argued that there have been radical changes to financing arrangements over the last 12 years or so, which have taken the form of the imposition and increase in student charges. Contributions from students are justified, and the collection mechanism used in Australia is argued to be the best arrangement: income contingency. A major part of the paper takes up this theme through the comparison of the economic and social consequences of different financing arrangements involving student charges. It is argued that bank loans and/or scholarship systems with up-front fees are necessarily inferior to arrangements that take into account a former student's future capacity to pay. The HECS – or similar income contingent policies – are argued to be the only way to go. It is also argued that the Australian higher education financing system is in need of reform. The issues documented include: relative academic salaries have fallen significantly over the last two decades; enterprise bargaining is a poor collective bargaining instrument for public sector universities; and, there is a need for some institutional price flexibility. Even so, it is pointed out that unfettered price flexibility for Australian universities is undesirable, for two reasons. The first is that there have been many years of public subsidy for the well-established institutions, and the second is that these same institutions have considerable real estate benefits from their propitious geographic locations. Both issues necessarily mean that allowing full charge discretion will deliver considerable and unfair rents to the most advantaged institutions and their contemporary staff. However, a case for limited price flexibility is offered. The potential benefits are the encouragement of increased competition and to allow additional revenue. It is stressed that it is critical that policy reform along these lines should necessarily involve income contingent repayment, and it is explained how this might work. The final part of the paper analyses the Government's recently announced plan to allow Postgraduate students the option of paying their charge with an income contingent loan. That is, HECS is to be extended to Postgraduate study. It is argued that, in principle, this is an excellent reform of higher education financing arrangements. The scheme is not, however, straightforward. Because HECS has a zero real rate of interest, the new scheme means that there will be a significant level of subsidy for both students and universities, and the extent of the subsidy is illustrated for a range of different student circumstances. An implication of these subsidies is that, eventually, the Government will very likely impose changes. It is argued that the worst possible reform would be to cap levels of student borrowing through HECS. A much better solution would be to offer a discount for up-front payment of postgraduate charges.
The paper documents the recent history of higher education financing in Australia. It is argued that there have been radical changes to financing arrangements over the last 12 years or so, which have taken the form of the imposition and increase in student charges. Contributions from students are justified, and the collection mechanism used in Australia is argued to be the best arrangement: income contingency. A major part of the paper takes up this theme through the comparison of the economic and social consequences of different financing arrangements involving student charges. It is argued that bank loans and/or scholarship systems with up-front fees are necessarily inferior to arrangements that take into account a former student's future capacity to pay. The HECS – or similar income contingent policies – are argued to be the only way to go. It is also argued that the Australian higher education financing system is in need of reform. The issues documented include: relative academic salaries have fallen significantly over the last two decades; enterprise bargaining is a poor collective bargaining instrument for public sector universities; and, there is a need for some institutional price flexibility. Even so, it is pointed out that unfettered price flexibility for Australian universities is undesirable, for two reasons. The first is that there have been many years of public subsidy for the well-established institutions, and the second is that these same institutions have considerable real estate benefits from their propitious geographic locations. Both issues necessarily mean that allowing full charge discretion will deliver considerable and unfair rents to the most advantaged institutions and their contemporary staff. However, a case for limited price flexibility is offered. The potential benefits are the encouragement of increased competition and to allow additional revenue. It is stressed that it is critical that policy reform along these lines should necessarily involve income contingent repayment, and it is explained how this might work. The final part of the paper analyses the Government's recently announced plan to allow Postgraduate students the option of paying their charge with an income contingent loan. That is, HECS is to be extended to Postgraduate study. It is argued that, in principle, this is an excellent reform of higher education financing arrangements. The scheme is not, however, straightforward. Because HECS has a zero real rate of interest, the new scheme means that there will be a significant level of subsidy for both students and universities, and the extent of the subsidy is illustrated for a range of different student circumstances. An implication of these subsidies is that, eventually, the Government will very likely impose changes. It is argued that the worst possible reform would be to cap levels of student borrowing through HECS. A much better solution would be to offer a discount for up-front payment of postgraduate charges.
This paper first defines the concept of "reference" regarding environmental restoration proj ects. The concept of "restoration" itself is developed in relation to contemporary uses of cultural and notably architectural preservation. A difference is made between economic and social reconstruction aims on the one hand and ecological or conservation goals on the other. While it must be based on historical and present day knowledge of the area, the choice of ecological references is also dependent on the collaboration of interested parties, local agents and institutional partners. Also it is generally unrealistic to aim to recreate environments as they existed previous to alteration or damage. The second part presents an analysis of the various uses of the concept of "reference" among members of the research group "Recréer la Nature" (recreate nature). It is shown that restoration references often mix poorly understood and sometimes idealized historie knowledge, present day effects of previous actions and social or conservation goals. Pragmatically, the research group defines three main types of restoration references : those linked to emergency repair or risk prevention; those that mainly underscore biodiversity reasons to define rehabilitation strategies by ending the causes of disruption; and last references linked to rejuvenation problems of abandoned lands or on the way to be abandoned. The third part discusses socio-ecological conditions for a "good restoration", in the context of evolving practices of restoration project managers. The links between projects and actual or potential requests from the scientific or political community are pointed out. These requests define work groups and aims. Furthermore each project is singular, linked to an environment whose history, ecology, and future evolution are specifie. Nevertheless, knowledge of these specifies is difficult as they pertain to different scales of time and space. This difficulty nevertheless doesn't impede action, especially prudent experimental action, provided simplistic solutions are avoided ; Ce texte définit d'abord la notion de référence dans un projet de restauration de milieux naturels. Puis les différents usages de la notion de référence chez les chercheurs du programme Recréer la Nature sont analysés. Il est montré que les références de la restauration sont presque touj ours présentes, mais sont souvent partagées entre un état historique méconnu, et parfois idéalisé, et des états actuels rémanents. Très pragmatiques, les chercheurs définissent en fait trois grands types de références de restauration ; celles qui sont liées à l'urgence d'une réparation ou d'une prévention de risques ; celles qui invoquent des raisons surtout patrimoniales (biodiversité) pour définir des stratégies de réhabilitation en faisant cesser les causes des perturbations ; et enfin celles qui sont liées à des problématiques de rajeunis sement de milieux abandonnés ou en voie d'abandon. Dans la dernière partie est discuté ce que peuvent être les conditions socio-écologiques d'une "bonne restauration" dans le cadre de l'évolution des pratiques des restaurateurs
Various determinants have been proposed to explain the persistence of nationally-bound administrative heritages. In this paper, we propose an overall model that integrates these contingent determinants. Our model is based on historical analysis, a method of theory building that first conceptualizes a model and then utilizes it as an exploratory lens for viewing historical evidence. The originality of our model comes from the theory-based bias that we introduce into the model as a way to avoid the trap of multi-causalism. Specifically, we select a nation's educational system as our model's leading determinant, for educational institutions and particularly schools more than other institutions both shape a nation's beliefs about "how things ought to be done," and transmit those beliefs and practices to successive generations. We draw the theoretical grounding for this bias using a theory of socialization which posits that the schemas that individuals internalize during their early formative stages of development greatly influence the way that they will later construct reality. We found our model to be useful in clarifying the underlying historical reasons why British and French firms rely on different integrative mechanisms when establishing headquarters-subsidiary linkages. Indeed, by analyzing the history of these two nations and the routines and rationalities imposed by their respective set of institutions in the context of our model, we find an overall mosaic, or gestalt, that is fully consistent with their present-day administrative practices. For example, we find that French managers today tend to heavily rely on centralized controls and headquarters intervention because of the influences of a number of key historical elements. These include the way their ancestors dealt with threats of invasion and ethnic diversity; the leadership styles of past French monarchies and elected officials; the manner in which the French colonies were controlled and the French school system organized; and the way the French government responded to economic problems that came from being a late participant in the two industrial revolutions. These also include the philosophies of the revered seventeenth-century French thinkers; the family structures that have existed in France since the middle ages; and the enduring influence of the Catholic ethos. Similarly, we use our model to present a different, yet equally compelling, mosaic image to explain why British managers have tended to rely on an administrative heritage, based on decentralization, "laissezfaire" and autonomy. Finally, and perhaps most important, we show that the explanation we arrived at using this inductive method of theory building is fully consistent with the empirical conclusions we derived using contemporary methods of organization science. In so doing, we demonstrate that these two approaches, when combined, can inform and enrich theory building and thereby lead to a more thorough understanding of organizational phenomena such as administrative heritage.
L'article relate l'histoire du Livre préliminaire du Code de Napoléon, lequel témoignait de la philosophie des codificateurs au sujet de la codification et de la fonction judiciaire. Avant son adoption, le projet du Code de Napoléon avait été distribué aux juges des tribunaux d'appel et du Tribunal de cassation pour commentaires, lesquels mettaient en relief les divergences fondamentales qui séparaient les juges et les codificateurs. Les juges idéalisaient l'effet du Code de Napoléon, alors que les codificateurs en mesuraient les limites et les insuffisances. Cependant, quand il s'agissait de l'expression de la loi, les juges demandaient l'élimination des principes abstraits et généraux proposés par les codificateurs et réclamaient des dispositions concrètes et précises. De plus, pour les codificateurs, la jurisprudence formait une science, alors que pour les tribunaux, elle constituait une véritable plaie. Résultat du débat : un Projet de Livre préliminaire de 39 dispositions réduit à un Titre préliminaire qui n'en compte plus que six. Lors de l'adoption du nouveau Code civil du Québec, le législateur de 1991, à l'instar des codificateurs du Code de Napoléon, a opté pour un pouvoir discrétionnaire judiciaire accru. Dans le contexte contemporain, le débat presque bicentenaire entre les codificateurs et les juges français prend une signification actuelle et soulève la question de savoir quelles auraient été les réactions et les opinions de la magistrature québécoise si elle avait été consultée spécifiquement, comme le furent les juges français au début du 19ième siècle. ; Abstract: The article recounts the history of the Preliminary Book of the Napoleonic Code, which set out the philosophy animating the codifiers with regards to codification and the judicial function. Prior to its adoption, a draft of the projected Code Napoléon was circulated for comment amongst members of the French Courts of Appeal and the Tribunal de cassation. This revealed the fundamental philosophical differences between the judges and the codifiers. The judges tended to idealise the impact of the Code Napoléon while the codifiers were more aware of its shortcomings. However, on the question of how the law should be expressed, the magistracy demanded the elimination of general abstract principles and their replacement by more specific, concrete rules. Moreover, for the codifiers, jurisprudence constituted a science whereas for the judiciary, it was to be execrated. As a result, instead of a Preliminary Book including 39 provisions, the codification contained a mere six provisions set out in a Preliminary Title. With the adoption of the new Québec Civil Code in 1991, the legislator clearly opted for increasing the discretionary powers of the judiciary. In the contemporary context, the nearly two hundred year ongoing debate between the codifiers and the French courts takes on a new significance and raises the question as to what indeed would have been the reactions and opinions of the Quebec judiciary if it had been specifically consulted prior to adoption of the Code, as had been the French judges at the beginning of the 19th century.
During the past few decades, the emergence of Chinese American Literature has been a prominent literary and cultural phenomenon, fascinating the reading public and academia alike. A newcomer to the literary scene, Ha Jin is one of the most successful Chinese American writers of the contemporary literary world, reaching his largest audience through his second novel, the PEN/Faulkner Award-winning Waiting (1999). Ha Jin is unique among Chinese American writers in that he writes about his first-hand knowledge in English, his second language, which he began to use professionally only in his thirties. He unwinds the thread of reminiscence in a story of love and politics in Waiting, set in Communist China from the 1960s to the 1980s, specifically during the Cultural Revolution. Despite his insider understanding of those turbulent years, Ha Jin has not been tempted to write memoirs. Instead he offers, with the conviction that history is best understood through fiction, his own intimate portrait of an age. The dominant voice of the novel is "Otherness," a voice from a participant observer who sees the sickness of a society calmly yet vividly. The gloom-laden images of China authenticated by Ha Jin, the authoritative informant, serve to strengthen the sense of exotic Otherness for his Western readers. His keen observation of the soul and of our common humanity in turmoil stands for the voice of victimhood. Beyond the sense of contextual otherness, the present thesis also examines the linguistic otherness of Waiting and its translatability. The occurrence of translations from Chinese, as found in the names of characters and places, Chinese-culturespecific terms, idioms, and proverbs, produces an interesting language that, perhaps on an unconscious level, constitutes an aesthetic exoticism for Western readers. This exoticism is what I term "Chineseness." Indeed, the presence of "Chineseness" in Waiting accounts for much of its popularity and critical acclaim. In backtranslating Waiting to Chinese, the translator seems to have the simple enough job of restoring what the author would have written in his native language, but with the predictable result that the aesthetic exoticism richly experienced by the author's primary intended readers is lost or, at the very least, weakened. Therefore, the challenge the translator faces is how to retain the aesthetic exoticism, which is of great importance in the appeal of Ha Jin's writing. The central part of my project attempts to explore, through an examination and analysis of the English original and Jin Liang's translation, how differently the texts of Waiting and Deng Dai are presented, read, and made sense of. The present study aims to arrive at a deeper understanding of how Ha Jin's text and its Chinese translation function as a cross-cultural activity. ; HKU 3 Minute Thesis Award, People's Choice Award (2011) ; published_or_final_version ; Chinese ; Master ; Master of Philosophy
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Mrs. Spew is spending a couple of weeks with me in Europe, so I thought we would wander through the middle of Germany before going to northern Italy. We wanted to see some castles and some history, and we have gotten a heap of both.Our first stop was Dresden, which, of course, resonated with me since I read Slaughterhouse Five in high school, which was in the context of the firebombing that utterly destroyed the city and is now seen as something far worse than gratuitous. We saw occasional memorials and unrepaired walls here and there, but it was mostly out of sight. Definitely not out of our minds. We stayed in the old town area, which is how we maximize the walking and the sightseeing. We were close to the massive central cathedral, heaps of palaces (now museums), city halls, and the river. We had some excellent food here including both Spanish and German tapas (best German food I have had, I think, in my three months here). There was a wonderfully silly, cheesy "experience" where one gets some headphones to listen to the narration of a character from long ago trying to figure out how he died as we get a tour of the remnants of the fortress. We also went into a pretty amazing art museum that had a great collection of statues including a replica of David and a display of East Germany/communist era art, which tended to focus on American imperialism. We spent our next morning at Schloss Weesenstein, which is between Dresden and the border with Czechia. It looked v ery small and uncastle-like from the road, but very big and very castle-ish from the inside. It had some very funky display tendencies including paintings that would then have a figure/mannequin sticking out of it to give the face in the picture a 3-D body. It was one of the places where the Nazis put (stolen) art to protect it from the bombing with the castle at Nuremberg being another. Leipzig was the least spectacular place. Still some pretty sights, big cathedrals including one where J.S. Bach is buried (but we couldn't find the actual site within the place). Speaking of which, Nuremberg is pretty spectacular. On the way in, we stopped by the Zeppelin grounds where the Nazis had huge rallies. The structures don't look the same, in part because the American troops blew up the giant swastika on the platform, and partly because other parts of the superstructure were falling apart, so they got demolished. It was strange to be standing exactly where Hitler stood way back when. We then drove into Nuremberg, where google maps led us astray a bit. We managed to get to our hotel and then walked around, yes, the older part of town. A very pretty river runs through the city. We went up to the hill to the Imperial castle that overlooks the town. We spent most of our time there, looking at the gardens and going through the museum. It had lots of medieval armor/arms displays and much discussion of how imperial rule worked. The emperor didn't stay put, but would visit castles around the empire to network, to show that his authority was everywhere, to rule on local disputes, etc. The big tower had at the top pictures on each side, showing what that view looked like before the war, at the end of the war, and then after the rubble was picked up. Nuremberg got hit very hard by allied bombing--because of its symbolic importance as well as being a transportation hub and industrial center. And then to put all this into context, on our way out, we stopped by the Nuremberg Trial Memorial/Museum. there was a whole lot of history packed into a relatively small space. Surprisingly, nearly all of the text was in German despite the tribunal being an English/French/Russian affair, and a sharp contrast to the rally grounds displays. So, we had to listen to the audio guide read the English translation of the displays. It slowed us down a bit, and we had to skip some stuff. But a fascinating experience and a nice bookend to the rally grounds. Then it was on to Erfurt, a smaller city that avoided being bombed. I asked my wife which of the places we visited had the highest burgermeister/meisterburger quotient, and Erfurt edged out the others. A really beautiful town with a funky covered bridge with shops, a very large citadel, and more ice cream stores per linear meter than pretty much anywhere else. Why they have a bread dude statue? I have no idea.Random observations along the wayI guess the whole thing of densely populated areas is that the areas in between are empty? So much of the roads in between these places had nothing but farms, windmills, and solar panels. Autobahn! Superfast but lots of places with strict limits--keeps you awake. The roads are so well constructed that it is easy to go uber-fast without feeling it--our rental car is also pretty smooth. So, yeah, I have generally been driving at speeds that I would never approach in North America... while still getting passed by much, much faster cars.Strange parking processes. In a mall in Leipzig, the parking machine spit out a yellow token, not a ticket. So, when I returned to the car, I had to put the token into a normal payment machine, which I had expected to spit out a ticket. Nope, it spit out another token. But it worked. In another parking structure, it takes a picture of your license plate, so on your way to your car, you enter your license plate number into the machine and it spits out a ticket to let you out of the lot? Speaking of driving, I learned how to drive a manual in high school, shortly after passing my driving test. My mother's Datsun 310 only had four gears plus reverse. I did learn the funkiness of how to get some sticks into reverse when I was a parking attendant in high school--yes, they hired a 16 year old! Anyhow, after leaving home, my manual car experiences have been far apart and few, like when I landed in Brussels to drive to the Arnhem bridge (it was not too far for me, but my next stop was as jet lag hit me hard) about fourteen years ago. So, this rental SUV has got six gears, which means I sometimes put into third rather than fifth or fourth rather than sixth. Oops. Oh, and my first gear skilz (the hardest gear) are not so great. So, a few clumsy starts at stop lights. Unlike the hard time I had figuring out how to get into reverse at the forementioned Brussels airport, I quickly realized the trick with this car was pushing down on the stick to get it into reverse.Lunches on the road didn't always work out. We kept finding restaurants near our routes to be closed--on the way out of Dresden/Schloss and in Bamberg in between Nurenberg and Erfurt. We ultimately just waited to eat in Leipzig. In Bamberg, we settled for a Turkish doner cart in the parking lot of a grocery store, and, as all of my Turkish doner experiences have been in Germany this year, it was super tasty.I don't remember the trams being this fast in Berlin. In Erfurt and in some of the other places, they are fast and jeez, they are close to the sidewalks. Tomorrow, we drive back to Berlin, drop off the rental car, and get on a plane to Venice. We will have about five days in Italy split between Venice and Milan. I have never been to either place, and Mrs. Spew last visited ... before Iran-Contra. She has been keeping me from getting gelato since it supposed to be pretty good where we are going. Auf wiedersehn!
