Suchergebnisse

In 1945, Opole experienced a disruption in its history - a formerly German city had been incorporated into southwestern Poland during the change of European borders. In this new geopolitical situation Opole, along with other pre-war Eastern outskirts of Germany, became a part of so-called Recovered Territories. The name itself implied that those lands were perceived as not only incorporated into the country but brought back as undeniably Polish. The process of establishing (or "regaining") the Polish identity of those cities, among them Opole, was intended to omit some elements of the recent German past and emphasize others deemed inherently Polish at that time. This occurrence was also tied to the issue of rewriting and reinventing the city's history, during which architecture and urban planning were used as one of the most powerful tools. The article presents how architecture and urban planning were used in the process of establishing Opole's new, Polish identity since 1945. The attempts to rewrite and reinvent Opole's history are exemplified by the restoration of the historic city centre, as well as by new, post-war architecture and urban development. The legacy of that process still lingers in the city's urban fabric. The strive to emphasise "Polish" elements of the city while omitting or repurposing the German ones makes one pose questions about the role of architecture (both historic and new), urban planning, and the narratives created around them in the process of rewriting and reinventing a city's past and identity.

Abstract
This article proposes a critical analysis of recent interpretations made to the history of architecture and urban planning in the Portuguese colonial context in the twentieth century, particularly in the former African territories. More generally, it intends to explore how the internal history produced by specific fields of activity, such as architecture or urbanism, can reinforce the logic of a national and nationalized history. This effect is due partly to the fact that the legitimacy of these fields is largely dependent on the national identification in the context of activities that are internationalized. I will argue that the specific field of activity, while creating this internal discourse, can directly or indirectly produce representations of the nation, its history and its people on a larger scale, penetrating popular culture and influencing a shared common sense. In the case in question, the internal discourse on architectural and urbanistic works, on authors and styles, eventually reinforces an idealized and idyllic image of Portuguese colonialism.

Theories pertaining to spatial planning and sustainable development have magnificently grown during the second half of the past century and still witness increased rate of attention concerning the manifold aspects encapsulated by their subjects. However, both of these themes still remain underestimated and require further investigation and even augmentation when exploring areas of 'political turbulences' or 'unbalanced powers'; in other words, regions of 'conflict areas'. The development process in the conflict areas seems to depend ultimately on the scale and magnitude of power between the different contested groups, i.e. the 'dominant group' and the 'weaker group'; where sustainability becomes very vulnerable, and if exists, belongs to the dominant group neglecting the weaker one, and even in many cases, exploiting the resources and opportunities of the weaker for the advantage of the dominant, resulting therefore, more marginalizing and social degradation. Hence, new arguments pertaining to sustainability in the conflict areas conclude that sustainable development in these areas can be considered as a 'terminology game' which does not resolve the older growth debate, but disguises it. Spatial planning in the conflict areas may shape fast-changing or dynamic spatial policies accompanied with irreversible physical layouts that create in many cases multi-dimensional challenges for inhabitants. Especially, for the indigenous residents when considered for one reason or another 'a group of minority'. Therefore, clarifying the relationship between spatial planning, power and politics is a prominent issue in this doctoral research. Understanding this relation reveals the range of influence of politics upon planning objectives and role. Accordingly, it is a marvelous question to know if planning is an organic reflection of politics or not; as well as, to explore whether spatial planning, in the conflict areas, is used to mitigate or intensify conflict. Based upon theoretical framework, this doctoral research presents comprehensive set of interrelationships between the main parameters affecting the development process in the conflict areas, namely (space, politics, power and planning); these are interestingly elaborated and conceptualized by the researcher within referenced spatial context; i.e. Jerusalem (the case study). Moreover, the direct and implicit role and impacts of these relations were examined. The examination through logical framework (theory – analysis – conception) of the aforementioned parameters (in conflict areas) reveals a maze of dynamic interrelationships which outstandingly guide the development for the benefit of the dominant group. This doctorate research provides critical review for the role of planning whether it acts as 'progressive' or 'regressive' agent of change, especially in the conflict areas with unbalanced powers. In Jerusalem, it has been shown that power and politics are the major planning drivers which set out the development pattern and objectives. Consequently, the spatial and social profiles of Jerusalem have been changing very fast producing new norms of urban fabrics and geographical extents, which all together, constitute manifold challenges to the 'indigenous' Palestinian residents.

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