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This article explores the exhibition history of decorative shell-art objects made by Aboriginal women in southeast Australia since the late Victorian era. Although produced for over a century, Aboriginal women's 'shellwork' (as it is known) has only recently received sustained curatorial attention. During the last few decades it has been acquired by private and public collectors and exhibited in both small independent and major public art galleries and museums. The article uses the contemporary curatorial interest in Aboriginal women's shellwork as an occasion to trace a longer history of its exhibition and display. A historical view reveals the 'cultural', 'aesthetic' and 'political' work that these objects performed as they were displayed in ways designed to communicate messages about their makers and to mediate social relations under colonial conditions. Earlier histories of display and its rhetorical functions are often lost, ignored or downplayed when Aboriginal women's shellwork is exhibited within contemporary exhibition spaces; but the author suggests that there is more continuity between old and new display cultures and practices than is generally acknowledged. In light of this, the article argues for greater recognition of earlier histories of display practices and visual rhetorics to inform the contemporary interpretation and exhibition of these objects. The article concludes with a recent installation of Aboriginal women's shellwork that is suggestive of this approach.

This article explores the exhibition history of decorative shell-art objects made by Aboriginal women in southeast Australia since the late Victorian era. Although produced for over a century, Aboriginal women's 'shellwork' (as it is known) has only recently received sustained curatorial attention. During the last few decades it has been acquired by private and public collectors and exhibited in both small independent and major public art galleries and museums. The article uses the contemporary curatorial interest in Aboriginal women's shellwork as an occasion to trace a longer history of its exhibition and display. A historical view reveals the 'cultural', 'aesthetic' and 'political' work that these objects performed as they were displayed in ways designed to communicate messages about their makers and to mediate social relations under colonial conditions. Earlier histories of display and its rhetorical functions are often lost, ignored or downplayed when Aboriginal women's shellwork is exhibited within contemporary exhibition spaces; but the author suggests that there is more continuity between old and new display cultures and practices than is generally acknowledged. In light of this, the article argues for greater recognition of earlier histories of display practices and visual rhetorics to inform the contemporary interpretation and exhibition of these objects. The article concludes with a recent installation of Aboriginal women's shellwork that is suggestive of this approach.

Enter any additional information or requests for the Library here. ; Before apartheid, Afrikaner nationalist ideologues composed a nationalist 'nature'. South Africa's political ordering was, thus, naturalised through nationalist 'natures' where settlers could perform their dominance over natives and their belonging in their fledgling nations. Post apartheid, Njabulo Ndebele (1999) saw game lodges as offering white South Africans a taste of colonial power and belonging, but having the opposite effect on black South Africans. For Ndebele, recomposing 'natural' spaces is fundamental to how South Africans come to belong (or not) in post-apartheid South Africa. Drawing from interview and ethnographic data, I show that contemporary biltong hunting 'nature' is an assemblage of humans and non-humans composed around a concern with how Afrikaner nationalist masculinities might belong (or not) in a post-apartheid context. I argue hunting 'nature' is a commodity that, anchors a past nationalist masculine hierarchy in a reciprocal relationship to game on privately owned land and collapses belonging into ownership.

AbstractIn this article I consider religion in international political scholarship and suggest a study of its epistemological politics and conceptual history. I argue that scholarship which strives to 'engage' or 'recognize' religion in global politics remain ignorant of the costs involved. Building on this argument, I ask if the troubles with recognizing religion reflect more basic qualities of recognition scholarship. Following the work by Jacques Rancière, Patchen Markell, Elizabeth Povinelli, and Jens Bartelson I argue that recognition has two faces and that along with its frequently acknowledged empowering aspect, it also comes with costs. In order to assess the costs of recognition I propose a study of its conditions of possibility, that is, a study of the ways in which the subjects of recognition become recognizable as such. In the final section of the paper, I apply this to the example of religion in global politics and the formation of the Muslim subject in the lead-up to the partition of British India and the founding of Pakistan.

On 21 May 2014 Circassians all over the world marked the 150th anniversary of the expulsion of their ancestors from their North Caucasian homeland. The links between this unresolved legacy of Russian colonial history and President Putin's prestigious Winter Olympics in Sochi have reinvigorated Circassian activism. While different objectives and methods coexist within the movement, the demand for acknowledgement of the wrongs inflicted on their forebears is shared by both the remaining Circassian population in the North Caucasus and Russia (about 700,000) and the worldwide diaspora (several million). What challenges does this present for Russia? (SWP-Comments)

Nuevos métodos de análisis, nuevos enfoques interpretativos y nuevos aspectos de la realidad social se descubren a través del conjunto de estudios dedicados recientemente a examinar los tres siglos de historia del período colonial peruano. Gracias a esta proliferación de investigaciones de nuevo cuño se ha logrado superar la imagen tradicional que se tenía de aquella época, derivada principalmente de las crónicas y relaciones de gobierno, limitadas a reseñar los acontecimientos más importantes de carácter político y militar (historia externa); ahora podemos conocer también los móviles que determinaban la actuación de los funcionarios administrativos, el impacto que ejercían las medidas gubernativas entre los diversos estamentos de la sociedad colonial y la paulatina gestación de un movimiento tendente a la ruptura del dominio hispánico, entre otros aspectos (historia interna). A fin de ilustrar las vertientes más novedodas dentro de la historiografía del Perú colonial, y con la intención de orientar en la pesquisa bibliográfica a los estudiosos de nuestro país, presentamos en este ensayo una relación de artículos concernientes a dicha materia editados en publicaciones periódicas del extranjero durante el último sexenio: de 1978 a 1984.

Am 21. Mai 2014 begingen Tscherkessen in aller Welt den 150. Gedenktag der Vertreibung ihrer Vorfahren aus ihrer nordkaukasischen Heimat. Die Verbindung zwischen diesem Problem unbewältigter russischer Kolonialgeschichte und Präsident Putins Prestigeprojekt der Olympischen Winterspiele in Sotschi hat in den letzten Jahren tscherkessische Aktivisten mobilisiert. Zielvorstellungen und Methoden innerhalb der Bewegung sind unterschiedlich, aber die Forderung nach Anerkennung der an ihren Vorfahren begangenen Gewalt erhebt die tscherkessische Restbevölkerung im Nordkaukasus (rund 700000 Menschen) ebenso wie die weltweite Diaspora (mehrere Millionen). Welche Herausforderungen gehen davon für Russland aus? (Autorenreferat)

Nuevos métodos de análisis, nuevos enfoques interpretativos y nuevos aspectos de la realidad social se descubren a través del conjunto de estudios dedicados recientemente a examinar los tres siglos de historia del período colonial peruano. Gracias a esta proliferación de investigaciones de nuevo cuño se ha logrado superar la imagen tradicional que se tenía de aquella época, derivada principalmente de las crónicas y relaciones de gobierno, limitadas a reseñar los acontecimientos más importantes de carácter político y militar (historia externa); ahora podemos conocer también los móviles que determinaban la actuación de los funcionarios administrativos, el impacto que ejercían las medidas gubernativas entre los diversos estamentos de la sociedad colonial y la paulatina gestación de un movimiento tendente a la ruptura del dominio hispánico, entre otros aspectos (historia interna). A fin de ilustrar las vertientes más novedodas dentro de la historiografía del Perú colonial, y con la intención de orientar en la pesquisa bibliográfica a los estudiosos de nuestro país, presentamos en este ensayo una relación de artículos concernientes a dicha materia editados en publicaciones periódicas del extranjero durante el último sexenio: de 1978 a 1984.

On 21 May 2014 Circassians all over the world marked the 150th anniversary of the expulsion of their ancestors from their North Caucasian homeland. The links between this unresolved legacy of Russian colonial history and President Putin's prestigious Winter Olympics in Sochi have reinvigorated Circassian activism. While different objectives and methods coexist within the movement, the demand for acknowledgement of the wrongs inflicted on their forebears is shared by both the remaining Circassian population in the North Caucasus and Russia (about 700,000) and the worldwide diaspora (several million). What challenges does this present for Russia? (author's abstract)

Most people studying American History learn at an early age that the "Thirteen Colonies" revolted in 1775 and after eight long hard years won their independence with the Treaty of Paris in 1783. What most of them weren't taught is that the British actually founded 14 colonies on the Atlantic coastline of North America. Twelve colonies were founded in the 1600s, the 13th colony, Georgia, was not settled until 1733, a void of sixty three years. The 14th and last was Nova Scotia founded in 1749. The American Revolution not only created one country but two: The United States of America and British North America, later Canada. This event was followed by a great influx of refugees from South to North, a displacement of people among equals, who either did not want to live in a different state or with a different allegiance or were forced to leave because of its convictions.

Most people studying American History learn at an early age that the "Thirteen Colonies" revolted in 1775 and after eight long hard years won their independence with the Treaty of Paris in 1783. What most of them weren't taught is that the British actually founded 14 colonies on the Atlantic coastline of North America. Twelve colonies were founded in the 1600s, the 13th colony, Georgia, was not settled until 1733, a void of sixty three years. The 14th and last was Nova Scotia founded in 1749.The American Revolution not only created one country but two: The United States of America and British North America, later Canada. This event was followed by a great influx of refugees from South to North, a displacement of people among equals, who either did not want to live in a different state or with a different allegiance or were forced to leave because of its convictions.Keywords: American Revolution, British North America, Loyalists, inn migration.