Conservatism in Austria
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 16-19
ISSN: 0265-4881
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In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 16-19
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: Journal of contemporary history, Band 13, Heft 4, S. 791-802
ISSN: 1461-7250
In: American political science review, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 454-473
ISSN: 0003-0554
There are 3 widely-held theories of conservatism: (1) the aristocratic theory defines conservatism as the ideology of the European aristocracy in the 18th & 19th cent's. (2) The autonomous theory defines conservatism in terms of certain general values (such as order & balance) of universal applicability. (3) The situational theory defines it as the ideological response of the defenders of any existing soc order against any fundamental challenge to that order. The appearances of conservative thought in history & the inherent nature of that thought both suggest that the situational definition is the most accurate & the most useful one. Only this definition accounts for the absence of a substantive ideal in conservatism & the absence of a conservative intellectual tradition. Accepting this definition, conservatism has no place in America today in the struggles of one soc group against another, but it does have a relevant role in the defense of American liberal society as a whole against the challenge of the USSR & communism. Consequently, the liberals are the true conservatives in America today. AA-IPSA.
In: British journal of political science, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 675-692
ISSN: 0007-1234
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 415, S. 176-186
ISSN: 0002-7162
According to conventional wisdom, aging past adolescence & young adulthood leads to conservatism. There are theoretical reasons to believe that certain dimensions of biological, social, & psychological aging contribute to some kind of conservatism. For instance, with the assumption of family responsibilities, a diffuse liberalism-humanitarianism is likely to be overshadowed by a specific concern for others. Or, aging persons may become more conservative in the sense that their attitudes & values become more resistant to change, because each subsequent experience is a smaller proportion of the ttal background of experiences. Empirical evidence on the topic is not definitive; moreover, in view of intransigent methodological problems which plague the study of aging effects, the evidence may never be definitive. However, cohort analysis in the US survey sample data reveals that in recent years persons aging beyond young adulthood & beyond middle age have tended to become more liberal in many respects, conforming to general social trends. Although the evidence suggests that attitudes probably become somewhat less susceptible to change as people grow older, there is scant evidence for any other constribution of aging to conservatism. 1 Table. Modified HA.
Buchanan's last book declares an antipathy to one aspect of ''conservatism'' as he identified it—namely, conservatism's defense of hierarchy in social relations. Buchanan's anti-hierarchy stance owes something to the rural populist background of his early years. That stance also explains something about his professional and individual personality: his contentment to remain at non-elitist institutions; his preparedness to challenge establishment thinking on the nature and role of government; his antagonism to inherited wealth and the privileges of dynasty; and his life-long affection for elements of the simple rural life. The aim of this short piece is to highlight these various connections between Buchanan's political commitments and the content and conduct of his work.
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Buchanan's last book declares an antipathy to one aspect of ''conservatism'' as he identified it—namely, conservatism's defense of hierarchy in social relations. Buchanan's anti-hierarchy stance owes something to the rural populist background of his early years. That stance also explains something about his professional and individual personality: his contentment to remain at non-elitist institutions; his preparedness to challenge establishment thinking on the nature and role of government; his antagonism to inherited wealth and the privileges of dynasty; and his life-long affection for elements of the simple rural life. The aim of this short piece is to highlight these various connections between Buchanan's political commitments and the content and conduct of his work.
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In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 3, Heft 1/2, S. 158-172
ISSN: 0162-895X
WHATEVER ONE TAKES CONSERVATISM TO MEAN, IT IS SURELY SOMETHING MORE THAN JUST ADHERENCE TO THE STATUS QUO OR DEFENSE OF SOME ORTHODOXY. IN FACT, THE ORIGIN OF THE TERM CONSERVATIVE IN BRITISH POLITICAL LIFE WAS AS MUCH ABUSIVE AS ANYTHING ELSE; IT WAS A TERM OF SOME DERISION APPLIED TO PEOPLE WITH A PARTICULAR SET OF BELIEFS. HOWEVER, THESE BELIEFS CORRESPOND CLOSELY TO ACCEPTED PRACTICE.
"A must-own title." -National Review Online American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia is the first comprehensive reference volume to cover what is surely the most influential political and intellectual movement of the past half century. More than fifteen years in the making-and more than half a million words in length-this informative and entertaining encyclopedia contains substantive entries on those persons, events, organizations, and concepts of major importance to postwar American conservatism. Its contributors include iconic patriarchs of the conservative and libertarian movements, celebrated scholars, well-known authors, and influential movement activists and leaders. Ranging from "abortion" to "Zoll, Donald Atwell," and written from viewpoints as various as those which have informed the postwar conservative movement itself, the encyclopedia's more than 600 entries will orient readers of all kinds to the people and ideas that have given shape to contemporary American conservatism. This long-awaited volume is not to be missed
Url: http://josc.selcuk.edu.tr/article/view/1075000407 ; Bu makale, Türkiye'de toplumsal muhafazakarlıkla örtüşen siyasi muhafazakarlığı kültürel, ekonomik yönleriyle incelerken, medyatik olarak muhafazakarlığın tahrifini araştırmayı amaçlamıştır. Menderes ve Özal dönemlerinde görüldüğü gibi, literatürde "yaratıcı", "tepkisel" ve "liberal" özelliklerle adı konan ve toplumsal muhafazakarlıkla örtüşen Türk siyasi muhafazakar-lığının nasıl ve ne şekilde statükoculuğa ya da egemenlerin düzenine dönüştüğü belirlenmiştir. 1980'lerden sonra özellikle ticari televizyon kanallarının yayın hayatına girmesiyle, toplumsal muhafazakarlığın kendini temsil imkanı bulunmakla beraber, ilerleyen zaman içinde, tıpkı siyasi statükoculukta olduğu gibi, "halk böyle istiyor!" ya da "hükümetçe söylem"lerle medyatik muhafazakarlığın da statükoculuğa ya da egemenlerin düzenini temsil etmeye başladığı ve böylesi bir temsiliyetin kendini yeniden üretemeyecek bir biçimde kitleselleşme sürecine yapmış olduğu katkı vurgulanmıştır.
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"During the Progressive Era (1880-1920), leading thinkers and politicians transformed American politics. Historians and political scientists have given a great deal of attention to the progressives who effected this transformation. Yet relatively little is known about the conservatives who opposed these progressive innovations, despite the fact that they played a major role in the debates and outcomes of this period of American history. These early conservatives represent a now-forgotten source of inspiration for modern American conservatism. This volume gives these constitutional conservatives their first full explanation and demonstrates their ongoing relevance to contemporary American conservatism"--
In: American political science review, Band 51, S. 454-473
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Australian quarterly: AQ, Band 60, Heft 3, S. 305
ISSN: 0005-0091, 1443-3605