Suchergebnisse

The British vote to leave takes the European Union into new legal and political territory. With application of Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union on the cards for the first time, it is already clear that leaving is not simply the reverse of joining, neither procedurally nor politically. The remaining EU-27 will need to develop an "exit doctrine" defining the rules for dealing with the United Kingdom as soon as it officially announces its intention to leave. Article 50 leaves ample political options for shaping the highly complex processes for releasing the United Kingdom from membership, reshaping its relationship with the Union and revising the treaties for an EU-27. Already crisis-stressed and disorientated before Brexit, the Union needs a renewal of integration, starting with the member states and their role in the EU system. (author's abstract)

Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK's decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy.

The possible exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union will have profound economic and political effects. Here we look at a particular aspect, the power distribution in the Council of the European Union. Since the Lisbon treaty the exit does not require new negotiations as the success of a voting initiative only depends on the number and total population of the supporting member states. Using the Shapley-Shubik power index we calculate the member states' powers with and without the United Kingdom and update earlier power forecasts using the Eurostat's latest population projections. There is a remarkably sharp relation between population size and the change in power: Brexit increases the largest members', while decreases the smallest ones' powers.

EU-LFS 2006 contains the Module on Transition from work into retirement.
According to the explanatory notes for the 2006 ad hoc module the first aim was to know how the transition at the end of the career towards full retirement is expected to take place, takes place or took place. The second aim was to know which factors would be/were at play in determining the exit from work, and which factors could make/could have made persons postpone the exit from work.
The target group of the module consisted of all persons aged between 50 and 69 (who either worked or didn't work and worked at least up to the age of 50).

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of tables and boxes -- Preface -- List of abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1 Europe and the European Union -- 2 Back to the future -- 3 Belonging without believing -- 4 Leading from behind: opt-outs, opt-ins, rebates and red lines -- 5 Party games and politics -- 6 Devolution and European Union membership -- 7 The press and the European Union -- 8 The pound, the euro and the City: brief encounters and quick exits -- 9 Britain, the European Union and the wider world -- 10 'Banging on about Europe': the Conservatives and the European Union 2010-15 -- 11 Hallmarks of British membership of the EU -- 12 The Referendum of 2016: the campaign -- 13 The Referendum of 2016: the result -- 14 The May government and Brexit, 2016-19: decline and fail -- 15 The Brexiter government, 2019-20 -- Chronological table -- Bibliography -- Index.

El presente trabajo analiza la controvertida figura de los impuestos de salida (exit taxes), que en la actualidad aplican los Estados miembros sobre las personas físicas y jurídicas cuando éstas abandonan la residencia en su territorio. La variada tipología de estos gravámenes y el hecho de que el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea no haya prohibido su exigibilidad, siempre y cuando respeten determinados cánones de proporcionalidad, explica la problemática actual en torno a su exacción y la existencia de algunos interrogantes a los que a través de este artículo se intenta dar respuesta. El notable incremento de la movilidad transfronteriza, en un contexto cada vez más globalizado, revela cómo las normas tributarias siguen representando, todavía hoy, importantes obstáculos a las libertades de circulación y establecimiento en la Unión Europea. Se trata, en definitiva, de un debate abierto, a la espera de la deseable acción legislativa europea y de una mayor implicación de las organizaciones internacionales al respecto.

El presente trabajo analiza la controvertida figura de los impuestos de salida (exit taxes), que en la actualidad aplican los Estados miembros sobre las personas físicas y jurídicas cuando éstas abandonan la residencia en su territorio. La variada tipología de estos gravámenes y el hecho de que el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea no haya prohibido su exigibilidad, siempre y cuando respeten determinados cánones de proporcionalidad, explica la problemática actual en torno a su exacción y la existencia de algunos interrogantes a los que a través de este artículo se intenta dar respuesta. El notable incremento de la movilidad transfronteriza, en un contexto cada vez más globalizado, revela cómo las normas tributarias siguen representando, todavía hoy, importantes obstáculos a las libertades de circulación y establecimiento en la Unión Europea. Se trata, en definitiva, de un debate abierto, a la espera de la deseable acción legislativa europea y de una mayor implicación de las organizaciones internacionales al respecto.

Many international organizations and the vast majority of federations lack exit clauses. Existing theoretical explanations of this stylized fact focus on issues of credible commitment, signaling, and the risk of strategic exploitation. However, such accounts are unable to explain the adoption by the European Union (EU) of Article 50, which allows withdrawal. I theorize and demonstrate empirically that in the case of the EU, an exit-voice logic lies at its origin during the 2002-2003 European Convention. As a protection to undesired policy changes post entry, countries of the 2004 Eastern accession demanded an exit right. Underlying the fear for policy changes was their much lower level of economic development and corresponding differences in policy preferences. As a mirror image, rich outliers like the UK and Denmark also supported Article 50, which likely contributed to its final adoption through the Treaty of Lisbon.