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Rezensiertes Werk: Gundula Gahlen, Das bayerische Offizierskorps 1815 – 1866, (= Krieg in der Geschichte, Bd. 63), Paderborn u.a. 2011

Sammelrezension von: 1. Wilma Aden-Grossmann, Der Kindergarten: Geschichte – Entwicklung – Konzepte. Weinheim / Basel: Beltz 2011 (236 S.; ISBN 978-3-407-62771-1). 2. Elsbeth Krieg, Immer beaufsichtigt – immer beschäftigt. Kleinkinderziehung im Kaiserreich im Kontext der Stadt- und Industrieentwicklung. Wiesbaden: VS-Verlag / Springer Fachmedien 2011 (280 S.; ISBN 978-3-531-18080-9)

This article has critically engaged with the speculative claim that the disappearance of caste question from public discourse during Left rule in West Bengal was a result of conscious upper-caste ploy to silence articulation of caste interests and tactfully eliminate the possibility of Dalit political assertion. To verify the veracity of this claim, this study has critically scrutinized Left Front's political mobilization strategy of rural population and also its landmark land reform initiative. The investigation attempted by this article, in this regard, has revealed that there is little to suggest the existence of any organized upper-caste conspiracy. It is, however, true that the articulation and aggregation of political demands along the lines of caste was indeed averted in West Bengal through political tactics and developmental strategies devised by the upper castes. But, the marginalization of the caste question in mainstream politics was an unintended consequence of such political tactics and developmental strategies which were primarily designed with the objective to preserve and enlarge the political support base, rather than to contain the lower castes. Thus, political motives acted as far more important determinants of political and developmental activities rather than any inherent caste bias.

La question posée par cette thèse est de savoir dans quelle mesure les adjoints en charge de la démocratie de proximité peuvent être considérés comme des acteurs engagés dans un travail de notabilisation politique faisant de leur délégation des espaces de recrutement et de mobilisation de soutiens. En posant cette interrogation, nous souhaitons questionner les rôles de ces adjoints et les usages qu'ils font de leur délégation en lien avec les pratiques clientélaires de l'activité politique. C'est le projet de cette thèse qui vise à éclairer la transformation de l'économie des délégations dédiées à la démocratie de proximité, de leur fondement symbolique et matériel et de leurs usages en relation avec la transformation des configurations politico-administratives dans lesquelles évoluent les adjoints. Nous montrerons ainsi qu'un enjeu central de la prise de rôle des adjoints en charge de la démocratie de proximité réside dans leur capacité à mobiliser les ressources de leur délégation en biens de fidélisation politique, de satisfaction matérielle transmise sur la base d'échanges personnalisés. Aussi, loin des objectifs normatifs affichés par les promoteurs de la participation citoyenne, cette offre municipale fait l'objet d'usages clientélaires. De ce point du vue, la réactivation de l'offre participative observée dans le gouvernement municipal d'Hélène Mandroux traduit une tentative de reconfiguration des échanges clientélaires institutionnalisés depuis plus de trente ans et portés par des coalitions d'acteurs dans lesquelles adjoints et représentants associatifs partagent des intérêts autrement plus déterminants que des principes moraux ou idéologiques. ; The question treated by this thesis is to know to what extent mayor's councilors in charge of participatory projects use their executive position to build political leadership by recruitment and mobilization of supports among local society. By putting this interrogation, we analyze the role of these councilors and the use of their institutional resources in ...

Die Politikwissenschaftlerin Bihter Somersan erörtert in ihrer Dissertation die Entwicklungsphasen der feministischen Bewegung in der Türkei seit den 1980er Jahren sowie deren aktuelle Organisationsstrukturen, Handlungsstrategien und Debatten. Dazu analysiert sie die feministische Literatur der Türkei und wertet die von ihr selbst in den letzten Jahren durchgeführten Expertinnen-Interviews aus. Die im Mai 2011 im Verlag Westfälisches Dampfboot veröffentlichte Monographie zeichnet sich insbesondere durch ihren hegemoniekritischen und feministischen Theorieansatz aus. ; In her dissertation, the political scientist Bihter Somersan discusses the phases of development of Turkey's feminist movement since the 1980s as well as its current organizational structures, strategies, and discussions. To this end, she analyzes Turkey's feminist literature and interprets the expert interviews, conducted by herself during recent years. This monograph, published in May 2011 by Westfälisches Dampfboot, is characterized in particular by its hegemony critical and feminist approach.

Political parties choose words to label reality carefully. The words they select to label Spain reveal their deepest conception of such a community, ranging from its conceptualization as a mere political structure to more affective or communitarian visions of it as a group. In this article, we analyse the discourse on Spain by the main governing political parties in this country between 1977 and 2011 (PSOE and AP-PP). We deliver a computer assisted content analysis of electoral manifestoes, mixing techniques of key-words automatic codification and secondary manual re-codification. Assuming that ideological preferences on Spanish nationalism are reflected in the preferred use of particular words and lexicons, we analyse language frequencies in both parties. Our results show a steady renounce by PSOE to make explicit the communitarian or affective dimension of Spain, while increasing its interest in the territorial organization of the state. Both tendencies result in a general decrease of the discourse devoted to Spain by the Socialist party in its electoral manifestoes, especially since year 2000. At the same time, the increase in the references to Spain as a political community by the Poplar Party, especially noticeable since 1996, brought a change in trends especially conspicuous since 2004. ; Las palabras que los partidos políticos eligen para designar una realidad no son arbitrarias. La forma de denominar a España denota una concepción profunda de dicha comunidad que puede ir desde la percepción meramente administrativa del país hasta visiones más afectivas. En este artículo analizamos el discurso sobre España de los dos principales partidos que han gobernado este país desde 1977 hasta 2011 (PSOE y AP-PP). Para ello se utiliza el análisis de contenido de programas electorales asistido por ordenador, mediante una técnica mixta de auto-codificación de palabras clave y posterior re-codificación manual. Asumiendo que las preferencias ideológicas de los partidos sobre el nacionalismo español se traducen en la utilización de diferentes palabras o términos léxicos para designar a España, llevamos a cabo análisis de frecuencias del lenguaje utilizado por ambos partidos. Los resultados muestran una renuncia paulatina por parte del PSOE a explicitar la dimensión comunitaria o afectiva de España, frente a un interés manifiesto por aclarar su visión sobre la organización territorial del estado, resultando ambas tendencias en un descenso global del discurso que el partido socialista ha dedicado a España en sus programas electorales, especialmente notable desde el año 2000. Paralelamente, el aumento de las referencias a España como comunidad política en los programas electorales de AP-PP, especialmente notable desde 1996, derivan en un cambio de tendencias evidente desde 2004.Political parties choose words to label reality carefully. The words they select to label Spain reveal their deepest conception of such a community, ranging from its conceptualization as a mere political structure to more affective or communitarian visions of it as a group. In this article, we analyse the discourse on Spain by the main governing political parties in this country between 1977 and 2011 (PSOE and AP-PP). We deliver a computer assisted content analysis of electoral manifestoes, mixing techniques of key-words automatic codification and secondary manual re-codification. Assuming that ideological preferences on Spanish nationalism are reflected in the preferred use of particular words and lexicons, we analyse language frequencies in both parties. Our results show a steady renounce by PSOE to make explicit the communitarian or affective dimension of Spain, while increasing its interest in the territorial organization of the state. Both tendencies result in a general decrease of the discourse devoted to Spain by the Socialist party in its electoral manifestoes, especially since year 2000. At the same time, the increase in the references to Spain as a political community by the Poplar Party, especially noticeable since 1996, brought a change in trends especially conspicuous since 2004.