Oil and International Cooperation
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 85-97
ISSN: 1468-2478
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In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 85-97
ISSN: 1468-2478
In: International Cooperation to Suppress Terrorism, London, Croom Helm, 1985; Routledge, 2nd ed. and e-book, 2015
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In: The Impact of International Law on International Cooperation, S. 50-84
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 201
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: Desert Problems and Desertification in Central Asia, S. 257-265
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 60, Heft 7, S. 104-112
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 58, Heft 7, S. 1311-1337
ISSN: 1552-8766
How does the hawkish or dovish nature of the domestic opposition in one state influence its own, as well as an international opponent's, negotiating behavior? I show that doves, when negotiating in the presence of a hawkish opposition, have more bargaining leverage in international negotiations. The key is to understand an international opponent's preference to deal with a dove rather than a hawk in future negotiations. I argue that adversaries have an incentive to concede more in negotiations to doves in order to sustain them in office, because failing to give concessions may lead to their replacement by less conciliatory (more hawkish) governments in the future. For this reason, doves are more likely than hawks to extract critical concessions from adversaries. The empirical results support this argument, which altogether suggests that doves are more successful in international negotiations not because they are more conciliatory, but rather because, for domestic reasons, they have greater bargaining leverage to extract counter-concessions from adversaries. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]
In: International affairs: a Russian journal of world politics, diplomacy and international relations, S. 62-70
ISSN: 0130-9641
In: International theory: a journal of international politics, law and philosophy, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 263-284
ISSN: 1752-9727
The idea that international law and institutions represent cooperative means for resolving inter-state disputes is so common as to be almost taken for granted in International Relations scholarship. Global-governance scholars often use the terms international law and cooperation interchangeably and treat legalization as a subset of the broader category of inter-governmental cooperation. This paper highlights the methodological and substantive problems that follow from equating 'global governance' with 'international cooperation' and suggests an alternative. The traditional model applies liberal political theory to the study of international institutions and interprets global governance as the realization of shared interests. It deflects research away from questions about trade-offs and winners or losers. In place of cooperation theory, I outline an overtly political methodology that assumes that governance – global or otherwise – necessarily favors some interests over others. In scholarship, the difference is evident in research methods, normative interpretation, and policy recommendations, as research is reoriented toward understanding how international institutions redistribute inequalities of wealth and power.
World Affairs Online
In: Latin American research review: LARR ; the journal of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA), Band 17, Heft 3, S. 3
ISSN: 0023-8791
In: Foreign affairs, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 182
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: The Department of State bulletin: the official weekly record of United States Foreign Policy, Band 52, S. 562-565
ISSN: 0041-7610
World Affairs Online
In: EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH, Band II
SSRN