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DergiPark: 326440 ; trakyasobed ; The Neo-Eurasianism which was one of the ideological projects concerning the quests of identity after the collapse of the Soviet Union, influences to some degrees the foreign policy of the Russian Federation ,especially during the Putin's rule period. "The Eurasian model" is a geopolitical project developed by Russia in the post-Soviet era against the Occident blaming her to pursue imperialistic politics in its nearest abroad and is often mentioned in the current Turkish foreign policy discourses as an alternative strategy to the European Union. The aim of this Project is the reparticipation of Russia to the international system as a powerful actor ( Ortodox empire).Analysis of diverse Neo-eurasian versions could provide us objective basis for the discussions on the conformity in geopolitical and reelpolitik terms of this alternative model to Turkey ; Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasından sonra kimlik arayışları ile ilgili yoğunlaşan ideolojik tasarımlarından biri olan Yeni-Avrasyacılık akımı, Rusya Federasyonu'nun izlediği dış politikasına özellikle Putin'in iktidar döneminde belli ölçülerde yansımıştır. Rusya'nın yakın çevresine yönelik politikalarını emperyel olmakla eleştiren Batı'nın ve AB'e alternatif olarak Türk dış politika söyleminde sıkça yer almaya başlayan "Avrasya modeli" post-Sovyet dönemde Rusya'nın geliştirdiği jeopolitik bir projedir . Bu proje, Rusya'nın yeniden güçlü bir aktör olarak(bir Ortodoks imparatorluğu olarak) uluslararası sisteme katılmasını amaçlamaktadır. Süreç içinde gelişen Yeni-Avrasyacılığın çeşitli versiyonlarının analizi, Türkiye için bu modelin jeopolitik ve reelpolitik açısından alternatif model olarak uygunluğu tartışmalarına nesnel bir zemin oluşturmaktadır

Over the past decade or so, there has been a convergence between the Eurasianist and Kemalist ideologies in Turkey. A number of Kemalist and Socialist intellectual and political actors together with sections of the military have started to articulate Eurasianism (Avrasyacilik in Turkish) as a new geopolitical discourse for Turkey and as an alternative to Turkey's pro-Western foreign policy orientation. In this perspective, Eurasianism stands for a political, economic and cultural alliance with 'Eurasian countries', such as Russia, Iran, and Turkic countries in Central Asia, as well as Pakistan, India and China. This article aims to deepen the analyses carried out thus far on this emerging geopolitical discourse. To this end, it contextualises the emergence of the Eurasianism in Turkey within the wider social, political and historical context of which it forms a part, including the framework of asymmetrical political and economic relations that developed between Turkey and its Western allies in the post-Cold War period. Adapted from the source document.

In order to determine the possibilities of wider application of the ideas of Eurasianism in the foreign policy of Russia, including the EAEU, but not limited to it, an analysis of various methods and approaches used for integration processes is carried out. At the same time, the current geopolitical situation and the factors of multi-vector approach in international relations are taken into account. It is also proposed to take in attention the role of identity in a broad sense as a political attraction. At the same time, various problems at the organizational, social, humanitarian and economic levels are also considered. The broad security factors that also play a role in the Eurasian integration are also taken into account. The relevance of this study is due not only to the implementation of strategic directions within the EAEU, but also to the general course towards multipolarity that Russia is pursuing. In addition, the crisis of liberal democracy in the West provides an additional opportunity for Russia to implement its own ideas and doctrines at the international level. The author believes that Eurasianism, including its classical version, can become one of the imperatives of Russia's foreign policy.

Neo-Eurasianism as a political doctrine is a descendant of the Eurasianist thought in the interwar period and L.N. Gumilev's ethnological speculations during the Soviet era. Similarly to the oldest generation, Neo-Eurasianists, respond to the trauma of the lost empire in their thought: denying the leading position of the victorious competitor, they also deny the Western understanding of human rights. The polemic is conducted by a group of Russian visionaries, such as A. Panarin, A. Dugin, V. Korovin, as well as by much more pragmatic Kazakh theoreticians of law led by Z. Busurmanov. The Neo-Eurasianist narrative generally rejects the Lockean absolutization of inalienable individual's rights and emphasizes the communitarian aspect instead. Russian Neo-Eurasianists blame the Western ideologists for treating human rights as a diplomatic weapon against foreign independent powers and try to present the liberal concept as a speculative idea. However, contrary to the Russian tradition, the idea of individual rights is not rejected in the Kazakh legal theory; it is presented in the light of a necessity to protect the right to cultivate one's identity in the realities of a multiethnic state.

The article is devoted to the problem of N. A. Berdyaev's ambiguous and contradictory attitude to Eurasianism - the ultra-right political trend of Russian emigration in the 1920s and 1930s. The author sees the reasons for Berdyaev's rapprochement with the Eurasians in the collapse of the religious and mystical ideal that captured the philosopher's imagination during the First World War. Under the influence of religious excitement that seized part of the Russian intelligentsia in the pre-war period, he believed in the nearness of the end of history and the onset of the millennial Kingdom of God on earth. According to Berdyaev, Russia was called upon to fulfill its historical mission in this final act of the world drama. This role (the "Russian Idea") was to unite the East and the West in a global religious and cultural synthesis. The revolution of 1917 destroyed Berdyaev's eschatological ideal and forced him to radically reconsider his view. From a Christian anarchist, he turns into a statesman, a defender of conservative values and social hierarchy. During this period, his social philosophy is very close to the ideology of fascism. But fascism was a pan-European phenomenon and in each country had its own original versions. The Eurasian movement was one of the varieties of Russian fascism. Berdyaev's political sympathies brought him closer to this movement and became the main reason for long-term cooperation with its leaders. However, the commitment to the values of individual freedom and Christian personalism as the basis of his worldview did not allow Berdyaev to go far in his passion for right-wing conservative ideas. In the late 1920s, he sharply criticized the totalitarian features of the Eurasian ideology. After the National Socialists came to power in Germany, Berdyaev gets the opportunity to compare European far-right regimes and creates a general theory of totalitarianism. In this theory, he uses Eurasian concepts and terminology. Thus, Eurasianism becomes a model for him, on the basis of which he develops his theory of totalitarianism. After the end of the Second World War, the philosopher got deeply disappointed. After the end of the Second World War, the disappointment of the philosopher was due to the failure of his hopes for a softening of the political regime in the USSR. He was again seized by gloomy forebodings of an unsuccessful end to human history. And although the hope for a favorable outcome of the struggle between good and evil did not leave Berdyaev until the end of his life, a sense of realism weakened those hopes and faith in the feasibility of the "Russian Idea".

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Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia need to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps have been taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both the domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may well finally push it into more actively finding better ways of fullfilling this mission.