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Draws on popular culture in the form of two movies & a TV series to shed light on the US psyche when it comes to presidential politics & the prospect of a female president. Critical analyses of the films Kisses for My President (1964) & The Contender (2000), & the TV series Commander in Chief (2005/06) are provided, asserting that each casts women as inappropriate for the presidency. These portrayals are briefly set against what is termed the far more comfortable depiction of the male president in the series The West Wing, & it is concluded that the female portrayals spring from worn out cliches & evince nothing of the creativity required to present a genuine picture of the world of a female president. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- THE FIRST WOMAN PRESIDENT -- THE FIRST WOMAN PRESIDENT -- CONTENTS -- NOTE FROM THE PUBLISHER -- PREFACE -- BECOMING MADAM PRESIDENT - THE CAMPAIGN -- BEING MADAM PRESIDENT - THE REALITY -- SCHOLARSHIP -- IS AMERICA READY FOR A WOMANPRESIDENT? IS THE POPE PROTESTANT?DOES A BEAR LIVE IN A CITY? -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- PUBLIC OPINION -- GENDER STEREOTYPES -- THE DOUBLE-BIND VS. BACKLASH -- A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ELIZABETH DOLE 2000 CAMPAIGN -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES -- DOES THE OVAL OFFICE HAVE A GLASSCEILING? GENDER STEREOTYPES ANDPERCEPTIONS OF CANDIDATE VIABILITY -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- HYPOTHESES -- DATA AND METHODS -- ANALYSIS -- DISCUSSION -- NOTES -- FOOTWEAR, LIPSTICK, AND AN ORTHODOXSABBATH:MEDIA COVERAGE OFNONTRADITIONAL CANDIDATES -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- COVERING "FIRSTS" -- Print Coverage -- Television Coverage -- ELIZABETH DOLE'S BID FOR THE REPUBLICAN NOMINATION -- Media Coverage -- THE HURDLE OF MEDIA COVERAGE -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES -- CAN A WOMAN BE ELECTED PRESIDENT?STRATEGIC CONSIDERATIONS UNDER REFORMEDNOMINATION AND FINANCING RULES -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- PARTY CHARACTERISTICS -- Democratic Party Reforms -- Republican Party Reforms -- Internal Party Shifts Since the 1970s -- CURRENT FINDINGS -- PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION FINANCING AND THENECESSITY OF EARLY CANDIDACY DECISIONS -- ELIZABETH DOLE'S PRE-PRIMARY EXPERIENCE OF 1999 -- THE PRIMARY CALENDAR -- GENDERED ATTITUDES OF PRIMARYVOTERS AND CONVENTION DELEGATES -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES -- THE NEXT CONTENDER:ASSESSING THE POOL OFWOMEN CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- TRAITS OF PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES -- PRESIDENTIAL LEADERSHIP -- WOMEN AS CANDIDATES AND LEADERS -- PROSPECTIVE CANDIDATES -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES -- BEYOND MATERNALISM:WOMENAND THE SPACES OF POLITICAL LEADERSHIP -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION.

If a vice president dies, resigns, is removed, or his position is otherwise vacated, and if Congress is out of session, does the president have the authority to fill the vacancy through a recess appointment, or is his only means of installing a new vice president through the bicameral confirmation process under the Twenty‐Fifth Amendment? This article evaluates this novel constitutional question, which is important in light of the vice presidency's increased prominence in recent years, the expansion of presidential recess appointment power over the course of the nation's history, and the greater frequency with which presidents have carried out these unilateral actions in past decades. While arguments in favor of the president cannot be dismissed out of hand, ultimately it must be concluded that he lacks such power.

During his maiden address, Gabon's new leader promised to hold fresh elections at the earliest opportunity to restore civilian rule.

"An intimate, news-making look at the men who are first in line to the most powerful office in the world--the vice presidents of the modern era--from Richard Nixon and LBJ to Dick Cheney, Joe Biden, and Mike Pence. Bestselling author Kate Andersen Brower took us inside the lives of the White House staff in The Residence. She followed that with an in-depth look at the modern first ladies in First Women. Now, in her signature style, she introduces us to the second-most-powerful men in the world, exploring the lives and roles of thirteen modern vice presidents--eight Republicans and five Democrats. In interviews with more than two hundred people, including all six living former vice presidents, their family members, insiders, and confidants, Brower pulls back the curtain to reveal the sometimes close, often chilly, and always complicated relationship between our modern presidents and their vice presidents.^. - And she shares surprising revelations about the relationship between former vice president Joe Biden and former president Barack Obama, and how Vice President Mike Pence and President Donald Trump interact behind closed doors. As Brower reveals, the president and the vice president, whether they began as allies or rivals, share a very tangible sense of admiration mixed with jealousy and resentment even when the relationship appears to be ideal. Vice presidents owe their position to the president--a connection that affects not only how they are perceived but also their possible future as a presidential candidate, which is tied, for better or worse, to the president they serve. George H.W. Bush and Ronald Reagan had a famously prickly relationship during the 1980 primary, yet Bush would not have been elected president in 1988 without Reagan's high approval rating.^. - Al Gore's 2000 loss, conversely, could partly be attributed to the Monica Lewinsky sex scandal and Bill Clinton's impeachment. Current vice president Mike Pence is walking a high-stakes political tightrope as he tries to reassure anxious Republicans while staying on his boss's good side. The rich dynamic between the president and the vice president has never been fully explored or understood--until now. Compelling and rigorously reported, grounded in history and politics, and full of deeply personal stories told here for the first time, First in Line lifts the veil of secrecy surrounding this historic political office to offer us a spellbinding portrait of what it is truly like to be a heartbeat away from the most powerful position in the world."--Jacket

The U.S. Constitution vests the president with "executive power" and provides that "The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy," while it endows Congress with the power "To declare War." These provisions have given rise to two major questions about presidential war powers: first, what should be the president's role in taking the country to war, and, second, what are the president's powers to direct its conduct. Historian Michael Beschloss's new book, "Presidents of War," examines how presidents have responded to each of these questions across two hundred years of U.S. history. The major argument of this book is that presidents have gradually assumed greater power over decisions to go to war – contrary, in his view, to the constitutional founders' vision. Although the book does succeed in offering some new insights into how that accretion of that power occurred, its more original contribution lies in its depictions of how presidents have handled and managed the tasks of waging war. Those responsibilities for the management and supervision in the conduct of America's wars have grown more complex as warfare has evolved – and they, too, look nothing like what the founders expected or might even have imagined. The book also puts an important focus on the continually shifting relationship between war-initiation powers and war-waging powers throughout the course of American history.

Argues that, in spite of vows to heal domestic wounds & salvage America's reputation abroad, no meaningful change has occurred since the election of President Barack Obama. An analysis of US policy towards Israel, Iraq, & Iran indicates that Obama has pursued the same course as a steward of the American Empire that was taken by George W. Bush. Russia's occupation of Afghanistan is compared with the current "Just War" in that country & Pakistan, which has created the integrated war zone called "Afpak." Obama's escalation of the War on Terror is pointed out, along with the continuation of torture & domestic wiretapping; & the establishment of new military bases in Colombia. However, even though there has been no substantive difference in American imperialism, there has been a significant upgrade "propagandistically" due to Obama's mastery of uplifting orations about America's glowing mission in the world. Obama is called a "hand-me-down version of Woodrow Wilson" whose style is marked for its "sonorous banality & armor-plated hypocrisy.". Adapted from the source document.

El artículo aborda a los cabecillas de los golpes de Estado generados en América Latina en la década del noventa del siglo pasado, los que después de alzarse contra los gobiernos de turno con diversa suerte, por razones coyunturales en sus respectivos países se convirtieron en lideres de movimientos políticos que finalmente les permitieron acceder por la vía electoral a la Presidencia Constitucional de sus Estados: Bánzer, Chávez, Gutiérrez y Fujimori ; This article aboards to the leaders of the breaks of state occurs in Latin American in ninety decade of the last century, who after raised up against the governments of turn with diverse luck, by conjuncture reasons in their respective countries, will become leaders politic movements, that finally allowed access through the election of presidentship constitutional states: Bánzer, Chávez, Gutiérrez y Fujimori