Suchergebnisse

This article considers what a transnational, and specifically European labour movement, would mean in the context of European integration, and whether there are prospects for its development. There are certainly structures and sporadic actions, so the question is whether they can develop further into a movement. I will summarize the literature on the integration of labour in the EU, which commonly argues that it is divided and incapable of action. These obstacles can be considered in a different light when the strand of social movement approaches is applied. Then I will present two cases of transnational European collective action with a focus on the managing of difference and on developing into a social movement. To summarize I will assess the future of labour mobilization in transnational context and conclude with a tentative explanation.

This article examines the relationship between religion and protest movements. Based on the data from China World Values Survey (2010–2014), we analyze the role of religious beliefs and religious practice on protest participation. We find that holding religious beliefs has a significantly positive effect on respondents' reported inclination or willingness to participate in protest movements—their propensity to protest—but no influence on their actual participation. In contrast, taking part in religious activities—actual religious practice—has a significantly positive effect not only on one's propensity for participation in protest movements but also on the actual protest participation. These findings seem to help explain the regime's wariness on organized religions in China in general, and the tight control of unauthorized religious groups in particular.

The article deals with causes and distinctive features of social protest movements in Iran through the prism of the effect that historic and contemporary developments have on them. The author analyses the most important factors that influence social activity during periods of exacerbating internal tensions in Iran. Great importance is attached to the Shia clergy ́s role in leading protest movements in the country before the Islamic revolution. Besides, the author evaluates the capacity of the ruling clergy to halt protests and ensure the majority ́s loyalty to the governing regime. Considerable attention is paid to the characteristics of the so-called «green movement» in which during 2011–2012. Again loudly declared himself to speak in support of popular uprisings in several Arab countries during the «Arab Spring». Under the influence of these events in Iran have again begun a protest against President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. In this regard, the Iranian authorities placed under house arrest of several opposition leaders, including Mousavi. Since then, the situation in Iran in general has stabilized. Moreover, the leaders of the «green» M. Mousavi and M. Kyarubi made a number of harsh anti-Western statements, in which he accused the West of choosing «wrong way» to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue by introducing anti-Iranian sanctions. They are, from the point of view of the opposition leaders, especially not hit the economic interests of the Iranian government and the Iranian citizen. The election in November 2013 the new president of Iran representative of the liberal camp Hassan Rouhani also had a positive impact on the containment of the Iranian opposition street protests.

This article asks why new protest movements have recently emerged in Western Europe by focusing on the British postwar race and anti-nuclear movements. Contrary to "subjective" propositions which have attributed their emergence to inter-generational value change, this article instead proposes a "structural" explanation. It is argued that the failure of the major British political parties to articulate citizen concerns on a number of salient issues has generated extra-party initiatives whose willingness to "voice" citizen anxieties primarily explains their popular support. Once in existence, these groups further politicize the conflict over public policy through various unconventional activities.

Analysis of rural protest movements in Cayambe, Ecuador, during the 1920s & 1930s illustrates the nature of the relationship between Marxists & the indigenous peasantry. An overview of the establishment of the Peasant Workers Syndicate of Juan Montalvo in Cayambe during the mid-1920s & of Jesus Gualavasi's leadership in the organization & participation in the local Socialist Party is provided. The support received by the indigenous peasant organization from urban leftists during the 1930/31 strike in Pesillo & Moyurco to improve working conditions in the agricultural sector is discussed. The collaboration between Marxists & the indigenous peoples in creating the First Congress of Peasant Organization & the local government's response to the social movement are examined. It is contended that Marxist organizers played a significant role in the indigenous people's social movement, eg, through the provision of legal guidance. The influence of this movement on the history of social protest in 20th-century Ecuador is acknowledged. 13 References. J. W. Parker

Race movements of the 1970s and the antinuclear movement of the 1950s and 1980s.

Abstract
This article explores the performance of ANO 2011 and Dawn of Direct Democracy—two new subjects of the post-2013 Czech party system—in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament. Programs and statements of both movements are analyzed in order to determine whether a link exists between protest and populist characteristics on one side and Euroscepticism on the other side.

Introduction / Umut Özkirimli -- A moment of elation : the Gezi protests/resistance and the fading of the AKP project / Soliözel -- Brand Turkey and the Gezi protests : authoritarianism in flux, law, and neoliberalism / Asli Igsiz -- Gülenism : the middle way or official ideology? / Cihan Tugal -- Can the spirit of Gezi transform progressive politics in Turkey? / Onur Bakiner -- White turks, black turks, and negroes : the politics of polarization / Michael Ferguson -- Occupy Gezi as politics of the body / Zeynep Gambetti -- Cruising politics : sexuality, solidarity and modularity after Gezi / Emrah Yildiz -- Urban utopias and how they fell apart : the political ecology of Gezi park? / Ömür Harmansah -- In lieu of conclusion : rallying for Gezi, or metaphors of aporia and empowerment / Spyros A. Sofos -- Timeline of Gezi protests

Abstract
On 17 November 2019, mass protests erupted in Lebanon with demonstrators expressing a general discontent with the system and the political elite. Despite the general discontent, the traditional elite secured the majority of parliamentary seats. A 2019 survey by Arab Barometer indicated that 9 out of 10 Lebanese believe their political elite is corrupt (Arab Barometer 2019). Another survey published in 2021 showed that 9 out of 10 Lebanese are dissatisfied with the current sectarian political system (Arab Barometer 2021). Yet, the traditional parties won most of the parliamentary seats and the hirak (protest movement) candidates only won 13 seats, ironically, 1 in 10 of the total seats in the parliament. These results give rise to the question of why the elections did not reflect the general change in public opinion. The paper analyses the hirak – the social movement that was born out of the 17 November protests – and the protestors' attempt to become a political force in the national elections in the light of the current system.

Introduction -- History and Dynamics of Collective Action -- Relationship: The Dynamics of Feeling -- Couples and Families -- Well-being and Social Value -- Civic Relationships and Civil Society -- Globalisation -- Conflict and Coercion -- A New Direction? -- The Revival of Nationalism -- The State -- Mobility and Migration -- Extremism, Political and Religious -- Nations and Sustainability -- A New Cold War? -- Possible Alternatives -- Conclusions.