RUSSIA TODAY: Elections in St. Petersburg - Provokers' Tournament
In: Političeskie issledovanija: Polis ; naučnyj i kul'turno-prosvetitel'skij žurnal = Political studies, Heft 2, S. 98-109
ISSN: 1026-9487, 0321-2017
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In: Političeskie issledovanija: Polis ; naučnyj i kul'turno-prosvetitel'skij žurnal = Political studies, Heft 2, S. 98-109
ISSN: 1026-9487, 0321-2017
In: Electoral Studies, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 374-377
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 374-377
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Journal of democracy, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 105-117
ISSN: 1086-3214
In: CSPP Studies in Public Policy No. 490
SSRN
In: Transition: events and issues in the former Soviet Union and East-Central and Southeastern Europe, Band 1, Heft 17, S. 42-50
ISSN: 1211-0205
Die Verfasser geben einen Überblick über die russische Parteienlandschaft, die sich seit den Dumawahlen vom Dezember 1993 in einem Prozeß der Ausdifferenzierung befindet. Vier große politische Lager lassen sich identifizieren. Zu den demokratischen Parteien gehören "Vorwärts, Rußland!" unter Boris Fedorov, Yegor Gaidars Partei "Rußlands Demokratische Wahl" sowie die Partei "Jabloko" unter Grigorij Javlinskij. Zum zentristischen Lager gehören die Demokratische Partei Rußlands unter Sergej Glazev und Stanislav Govoruchin, "Unsere Heimat Rußland" unter Viktor Chernomyrdin sowie "Frauen Rußlands" unter Ekaterina Lakhova und Alevtina Fedulova. Die Russische Agrarpartei unter Mikhail Lapshin und die Kommunistische Partei der Russischen Föderation unter Gennadii Zyuganov bilden die linke Opposition. Das nationalistische Lager ist durch den "Kongreß Russischer Kommunisten" unter Yurii Skokov und Aleksandr Lebed, Aleksandr Rutskois "Derzhava" und Vladimir Zhirinovskys Liberal- Demokratische Partei Rußlands vertreten. (BIOst-Wpt)
World Affairs Online
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 68, Heft 1, S. 9-22
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: Russian analytical digest: (RAD), Band 262, S. 6-14
ISSN: 1863-0421
World Affairs Online
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 51, Heft 7, S. 1297-1299
ISSN: 0966-8136
In: The journal of communist studies and transition politics, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 151-192
ISSN: 1352-3279
In: Cambridge studies in comparative politics
"In 2008, the worldwide financial crisis dealt a severe blow to the construction industry in Tomsk, a charming academic center in Russia dubbed the "Siberian Athens" for the numerous universities that call the city home.1 A crisis of liquidity forced banks to stop lending altogether to the industry, freezing almost two-thirds of construction projects dead in their tracks. Demand for apartments dropped by nearly 80% and dozens of firms teetered on the brink of bankruptcy. One construction manager become so desperate he started spreading false rumors to customers that his competitors had already closed up their shops. Out of the half million total residents in Tomsk, some 30,000 construction workers risked losing their jobs.2"--
SSRN
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 68, S. 9-22
ISSN: 0032-3179
Role of the Communist party, and the political campaigns of Gennady Zyuganov, Mikhail Gorbachev, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, Aleksandr Lebed, and Boris Yeltsin in the 1996 presidential elections.
In a path-breaking study of Russian elections, Regina Smyth reveals how much electoral competition matters to the Putin regime and how competition leaves Russia more vulnerable to opposition challenges than is perceived in the West. Using original data and analysis, Smyth demonstrates how even weak political opposition can force autocratic incumbents to rethink strategy and find compromises in order to win elections. Smyth challenges conventional notions about Putin's regime, highlighting the vast resources the Kremlin expends to maintain a permanent campaign to construct regime-friendly majorities. These tactics include disinformation as well as symbolic politics, social benefits, repression, and falsification. This book reveals the stresses and challenges of maintaining an electoral authoritarian regime and provides a roadmap to understand how seemingly stable authoritarian systems can fall quickly to popular challenges even when the opposition is weak. A must-read for understanding Russia's future and the role of elections in contemporary autocratic regimes.
On 18 March 2018, Vladimir Putin was reelected for a fourth term as president of Russia, receiving 77 per cent of the votes. He will remain in office for another six years, up to 2024. While this result did not come as a surprise, political events in the run-up to the election require more attention. Not only did protests take place in cities all over Russia; liberal elites were also strikingly present in both political and economic discussions, occasionally openly challenging the existing system. At the same time, the regime demonstrated a high level of tolerance vis-à-vis such challengers. These observations appear surprising in the context of Russia's authoritarian political system. The paper analyzes two cases of political confrontation in the context of the 2018 elections: Xenia Sobchak's presidential campaign and the competition between the economic groupings around the liberal Kudrin and the statist "Stolypin Club". It can be shown that in both cases, the roots of the seemingly independent political debates can be traced back to initiatives of the existing regime. On the basis of this observation, the paper comes to the following two conclusions: First, a certain level of political controversy is regarded as important for legitimizing the regime. This shows, secondly, that the "electoral authoritarian" regime in Russia has to respond to expectations of its citizens, which include the demand for political options. Overall, this paper suggests that despite its turn to increased authoritarianism and repression in the last years, the Russian government attempts to manage political stability by applying a mix of certain freedoms as well as restrictions.
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