Suchergebnisse

"This landmark collection brings leading scholars in the field of political communication to debate one of the most important questions of our age: Can the media serve democracy? For the media to be democratic, they must enter into a positive relationship with their readers, viewers and listeners as citizens rather than consumers who buy things, audiences who gaze upon spectacles or isolated egos, obsessed with themselves. The media's first task is to remind people that they are inhabitants of a world in which they can make a difference. By enabling citizens to encounter and make sense of events, relationships and cultures of which they have no direct experience, the media constitute a public arena in which members of the public come together as more than passing strangers"--

ABSTRACTAudience expectations of election campaign messages in Belgium, Britain and France are treated in this study as a point of departure for the comparative analysis of different political communication systems. Broad cross‐national similarities in voters' priorities of communication need at election time are traced. In each case television is the most favoured medium of election information. Sub‐group analysis, however, discloses large variations in the forces shaping voters' motives for following a campaign in the different countries. Demographic factors are mainly influential in Britain, political affiliations in France, and regional/linguistic divisions in Belgium.

Enthält u.a. Rezensionen von: ‡‡Coleman, S.; Blumler, J.G.: The internet and democratic citizenship‡‡Dahlgren, P.: Media and political engagement : citizens, communication, and democracy‡‡Earl, J.; Kimport, K.: Digitally enabled social change : activism in the internet

THE AUTHORS IDENTIFY KEY CHANGES IN SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA THAT HAVE SHAPED POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN MANY DEMOCRACIES DURING THE POSTWAR PERIOD. THEY DESCRIBE THREE DISTINCT ERAS. IN THE FIRST, MUCH POLITICAL COMMUNICATION WAS SUBORDINATE TO RELATIVELY STRONG, STABLE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND BELIEFS. IN THE SECOND, FACED WITH A MORE MOBILE ELECTORATE, THE PARTIES INCREASINGLY PROFESSIONALIZED AND ADAPTED THEIR COMMUNICATIONS TO THE NEWS VALUES AND FORMATS OF LIMITED-CHANNEL TELEVISION. IN THE THIRD, STILL EMERGING AGE OF MEDIA ABUNDANCE, POLITICAL COMMUNICATION MAY BE RESHAPED BY FIVE TRENDS: INTENSIFIED PROFESSIONALIZING IMPERATIVES, INCREASED COMPETITIVE PRESSURES, ANTI-ELITIST POPULISM, A PROCESS OF CENTRIFUGAL DIVERSIFICATION, AND CHANGES IN HOW PEOPLE RECEIVE POLITICS.

Figures and tables -- Acknowledgements -- About the contributors -- Introduction: a new news ecology -- Making sense of/in the city -- A week in news -- How citizens receive the news -- How people make sense of the city -- The mainstream providers of local news -- Citizen news-makers and news practices -- "Down there in Chapeltown" -- Mediating democratic accountability: the case of the care home closures -- Local news: a different story -- Appendices -- References -- Index.

Die Media Study 1979 untersucht die Rolle des Fernsehens in der ersten
Direktwahl des Europäischen Parlaments im Jahr 1979. Es ist eine
länderübergreifende empirische Studie in neun Ländern. Dem Forscherteam
gehören Wissenschaftler aus jedem Land der Europäischen Gemeinschaft
an und beinhaltet die Sammlung und Analyse von Daten über die
Kampagnen-Aktivitäten der beteiligten Parteien, die Haltung von
Journalisten gegenüber Europa und den Wahlen, Berichterstattung über
die Wahlkampagne im Fernsehen, Wahrnehmung und Reaktionen der Wähler
auf die Kampagne aus jedem Land.