Civil-Military Relations in a Neo-Kantian World, 1886-1992
In: Armed forces & society: official journal of the Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society : an interdisciplinary journal, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 227-254
ISSN: 0095-327X
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In: Armed forces & society: official journal of the Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society : an interdisciplinary journal, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 227-254
ISSN: 0095-327X
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 47, Heft 6, S. 796-816
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 47, Heft 6, S. 796-816
ISSN: 1552-8766
In Perpetual Peace, Immanuel Kant presents six preliminary articles for perpetual peace beforethe three well-known definitive articles about republic constitutions, commercial relations, and international organizations. In his third preliminary article, Kant argues that "Standing Armies ( miles perpetuus) Shall in Time be Totally Abolished" because they are themselves "a cause of offensive war." Empirical results based on state-of-the-art data analysis that refers to both peace-years correction and distributed-lags logistic regression showthat the most obvious among the neglected preliminary articles by Kant—military manpower system—is indeed connected to involvement in militarized interstate disputes during the period from 1886 to 1992. For neo-Kantian peace theory and research, this means that a military manpower system with conscripted, notstanding (i.e., professional or voluntary), soldiers is associated with disputes.
In: APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 60, Heft 3, S. 565-585
ISSN: 0020-8833, 1079-1760
Diskussion zu: Gartzke, Erik, Weisiger, Alex, Under construction, International Studies Quarterly, Malden/Mass., 58 (March 2014) 1, S. 130-145
World Affairs Online
In: International political science review: the journal of the International Political Science Association (IPSA) = Revue internationale de science politique, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 485-499
ISSN: 1460-373X
While the International Relations literature has long debated whether or not economic sanctions are an effective foreign policy tool, it neglects to empirically examine the damage sanctions impose on target economies. This study presents two theoretical explanations about the impact of sanctions on target countries' economies, and collects extensive empirical data to test such theoretical connections in three areas: international trade; foreign direct investment; and foreign portfolio investment. A cross-national, time-series data analysis of 133 countries during the period from 1970 to 2005 reveals that regardless of the number of senders, the type of sanctions or the level of anticipated costs to the target and the sender, economic coercion damages none of the economic conditions of the target. This finding suggests that if the objective is to maximize economic pain in the sanctioned country, a sanctioning country should think twice before choosing economic coercion as its primary non-military strategy.
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 803-818
ISSN: 1468-2478
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 803-817
ISSN: 0020-8833, 1079-1760
World Affairs Online
In: Studies in Security and International Affairs Ser
This book addresses a range of issues surrounding the search for scientific truths in the study of international conflict and international political economy. Unlike empirical studies in other disciplines, says Seung-Whan Choi, many political studies seem more competent at presenting theoretical conjecture and hypotheses than they are at performing rigorous empirical analyses. When we study global issues like democratic institutions, flows of foreign direct investment, international terrorism, civil wars, and international conflict, we often uncritically adopt established theoretical frameworks and research designs. The natural assumption is that well-known and widely cited studies, once ingrained within the tradition of the discipline, should not be challenged or refuted.However, do such noted research areas reflect scientific truth? Choi looks closely at ten widely cited empirical studies that represent well-known research programs in international relations. His discussions address such statistical and theoretical issues as endogeneity bias, model specification error, fixed effects, theoretical predictability, outliers, normality of regression residuals, and choice of estimation techniques. In addition, scientific progress made by remarkable discoveries usually results from finding a new way of thinking about long-held scientific truths, therefore Choi also demonstrates how one may search for novel ideas at minimal cost by developing new research designs with original data.Here is a valuable resource for students, scholars, and policy makers who want to quickly grasp the evolutionary pattern of scientific research on democracy, foreign investment, terrorism, and conflict; build their research designs and choose appropriate statistical techniques; and identify their own agendas for the production of cutting-edge research.
In: American journal of political science, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 314-327
ISSN: 1540-5907
This article explores the impact of the race of individual clients and of the local racial context on the implementation of sanctions for recipients of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) in a Midwestern state. We find that although nonwhites are sanctioned at lower rates than whites overall, nonwhites are sanctioned more compared to whites in each local area. This paradox occurs because nonwhites tend to live in areas with lower sanction rates. Consistent with the literature on race and policy, we find that sanction rates increase as the nonwhite population increases until a threshold is reached where nonwhites gain political power.
In: American journal of political science: AJPS, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 314-327
ISSN: 0092-5853
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 606-635
ISSN: 1547-7444
Are human rights a core value of US foreign policy? If so, how does the United States enforce human rights standards? Extant studies maintain that mass media, public opinion, and/or political concerns drive US decisions to engage in humanitarian military interventions. In this study, we explore the extent to which "human rights institutionalization" through the State Department's human rights reporting affects the likelihood of US humanitarian interventions. We find that human rights institutionalization is a viable, and perhaps even the best, explanation for the robust connection between human rights violations and deployment of the US military. These findings suggest that the United States is willing to undertake costly action to enforce international standards of human rights, but with some important caveats. Overall, we provide large-N, quantitative support for the broader shifts in US humanitarian intervention described by qualitative scholars and experts in US strategy and security policy.
World Affairs Online
This paper explores the impact of the race of individual clients and of the local racial context on the implementation of sanctions for recipients of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) in a Midwestern state. We find that although nonwhites are sanctioned at lower rates than whites overall, nonwhites are sanctioned more compared to whites in each local area. This paradox occurs because nonwhites tend to live in areas with lower sanction rates. Consistent with the literature on race and policy, we find that sanction rates increase as the nonwhite population increases until a threshold is reached where nonwhites gain political power.
BASE
In: British journal of political science, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 573-597
ISSN: 0007-1234