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To ascertain how Flemish politicians first enter local politics, interviews were conducted with 797 politicians elected locally in 1994, yielding profiles of demographic & socioeconomic factors, & distinguishing between ascribed status positions derived from politically active family members & achieved status positions through membership in political & other organizations. The expectation that achieved status would take precedence was confirmed. Many politicians were members not only of their respective political parties, but also of workers' unions, health care mutualities, sports clubs, etc. Some 67+% had at least one politically active family member, & 33+% a politically mandated family member, indicating at least some family influence on a successful career in politics. 14 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

In our paper, we deal with the dynamic and consequences of the federal structure and the dual party system for the policy capacities of Flanders, one of the three regions in the Belgian federal state. Since 1993, the Belgian constitution officially states that Belgium is a federal state. The process of state reform began in 1970, after the birth of linguistic parties in the sixties. One of the main characteristics of the Belgian party system is the absence of Belgian political parties and the asymmetry of the regional party systems. The specific functioning of political parties in 'Belgium', in other words in its regions, has some important consequences for the scope for policymaking of those regions. The differences between the regional party systems are the product of the region-specific social and economical features. In spite of the unequal economic performance of the two main regions, the 'high speed' North and 'slow speed' South, and the different economic challenges and possibilities, the Belgian federal level still retains several of the main economic competences and instruments. Therefore, the regionalised parties must, on the one hand, work together while, on the other hand, need to fight each other because of limited (federal) resources. We will consider the consequences of the elasticity and duality of the party system: does it enable or impede regional policy making, such as the switch of the unequal regional economies to a 'new economy'?

An important element in the debate on the hollowed State is the extent to which the subsidiary idea caused a decrease in dominance of the central State & led to a multifaceted process of decentralisation. A case in point is the recent regionalisation of the competency to organise local government in Belgium. Based on Page & Goldsmith's three dimensions in intergovernmental relations between central & local government (functions, discretion & access), we test the discourse of the reform of the local government in Flanders to its practice. It is argued that the principles of a subsidiary founded municipal autonomy, a growing fiscal & functional discretion & a personal disentanglement of local & central decision-makers was inspired by northern European models of government relations. These, however, are only partially being confirmed by the praxis of the reforms, as the main principles of the existing southern European models persist. Adapted from the source document.