Suchergebnisse

In this blog, we review the current state of Brexit negotiations and the likely economic outcomes from each. The overwhelming majority of economic models estimate that Brexit will have a negative long-term impact on GDP, although there is a relatively wide spread of estimates depending on the precise assumptions made and what kind of Brexit actually occurs. Forecasting short-term growth on the basis of these estimates is not really possible: the most likely outcome is a prolonged period where the economy underperforms relative to its previous potential (i.e. positive but low growth). However, there is certainly a risk of a sharper slowdown in the event of a disorderly Brexit.

The Shared Prosperity Fund is expected to replace EU Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) in the UK. ESIF funds come in two parts: the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the European Social Fund (ESF). A majority of funds are targeted at regions whose GDP per capita (calculated from GVA per capita) is below 75% of the European average, of which the UK has two – Cornwall & Scilly and West Wales & The Valleys[1]. Additionally, so-called "transition" regions with GDP per capita of under 90% of the EU average have greater flexibility in terms of how they can spend such monies and, in practice, applications under the schemes are often looked upon more favourably than many "more developed" regions.

The latest media splash on Brexit is a result of the European Research Group's (ERG) most recent publication on the Northern Ireland border[1]. In essence, the ERG is a research group run and supported by a group of influential Conservative MPs seeking what has colloquially come to be known as a "hard Brexit". The well-known Conservative MP, Jacob Rees-Mogg is the current chair of the group. As a group devoted to securing a hard Brexit, it is unsurprising that the ERG believes that the issue of the Northern Ireland border has been used to prevent their preferred Brexit vision.

Some time ago we wrote on the issues surrounding the issues and problems that might be encountered in the prospect of undertaking a further ("second") referendum on the decision of the UK to leave the EU on March 29th 2019. Since the vote of the 23rd June 2016, much has happened in terms of political developments within the UK. Notably, the Government lost its Parliamentary majority in the election of 2017 and subsequently has relied on the Democratic Unionist Party of Northern Ireland to maintain power.

The Brexit vote has thrown up issues of the sharp regional disparities that divide the UK. The vote has been seen as a protest by those who felt left behind by globalization and hence a need for government policy to address regional disparities. As a result there has been a re-emergence of interest in an active industrial strategy. Using Scotland as a case study, this book argues that the contribution of regions outside the capital relative to London is under-reported. using the West Midlands as a second case study, the book posits that manufacturing is more important to the UK than financial services and that key to a successful strategy of economic re-balancing is a need to ensure adequate skills provision and essential infrastructure. The book will examine potential policy developments in the light of Brexit that would lead to economic re-balancing in the post-Brexit era.

The Brexit vote has thrown up issues of the sharp regional disparities that divide the UK. The vote has been seen as a protest by those who felt left behind by globalization and hence a need for government policy to address regional disparities. As a result there has been a re-emergence of interest in an active industrial strategy. Using Scotland as a case study, this book argues that the contribution of regions outside the capital relative to London is under-reported. using the West Midlands as a second case study, the book posits that manufacturing is more important to the UK than financial services and that key to a successful strategy of economic re-balancing is a need to ensure adequate skills provision and essential infrastructure. The book will examine potential policy developments in the light of Brexit that would lead to economic re-balancing in the post-Brexit era.

Rationale This article explores the awarding of the 2022 Commonwealth Games to Birmingham in the context of Brexit and Regional Devolution and Development. Approach A mixed methods approach of qualitative data collection supplemented by desktop research was undertaken. The underpinning research philosophy was that of Pragmatism (Morgan, 2014) – triangulating differing ontological & epistemological perspectives. Ten semi-structured interviews were conducted between July 2018 and December 2018 Findings The article critically assesses the potential of the 2022 Games to support regeneration, finding that various factors will continue to impinge on the ability of the 2022 Games to fulfil their promise of a shared vision post-Brexit. Practical implications/Research contribution Much has been made of the potential for major international sporting events to provide a stimulus to areas in need of regeneration, for which Glasgow is often cited as a classic example in the UK, having hosted the Games in 2014 (Scottish Government, 2015). However, Brexit adds a new piquancy to this debate given the desire by senior UK Government figures to rejuvenate ties with the Commonwealth. ? Is there anything distinctive about Birmingham (e.g., the presence of significant "Commonwealth Diaspora" communities) that could assist in this regard?

This article draws upon novel survey evidence to examine possible regional impacts of Brexit as a "disruptive process" to manufacturing operations and logistics in the automotive industry, in the context of the regional resilience literature. The current Brexit (and Covid-19) context, along with the sector's need to re-orientate towards electrification provides renewed urgency to reconsider industrial policy in spatial terms. The findings have salience not only in the context of anticipating and reacting to Brexit-induced economic shocks at a regional level, but also over the role of decentralised regional bodies. In this regard, the UK government's agenda of 'levelling up' will be challenging, especially in the context of the place-based shocks likely to arise from Brexit as well as the impact of Covid-19. The article concludes that a more place-based regional industrial policy is required both to anticipate and respond to shocks and also to reposition the sector in the region going forward.

This article explores the link between populism and governance arrangements. Adopting a comparative approach between the West Midlands and Scotland, it utilises novel primary qualitative data alongside official results and demographic statistics. Paying particular attention to the perspectives of Remain voters in "left behind" areas and how they perceive their Leave-voting counterparts, the article finds that despite divergent voting patterns both groups perceived a problematic lack of (regional) political agency. Economic disparities and subnational governance arrangements appear important in explaining discontent in those parts of the UK that have been "left behind" by globalisation. Meaningful devolution will be key in addressing these grievances.

AbstractThis article explores the link between populism and governance arrangements. Adopting a comparative approach between the West Midlands and Scotland, it utilises novel primary qualitative data alongside official results and demographic statistics. Paying particular attention to the perspectives of remain-voters in "left behind" areas and how they perceive their Leave-voting counterparts, the article finds that despite divergent voting patterns both groups perceived a problematic lack of (regional) political agency. Economic disparities and subnational governance arrangements appear important in explaining discontent in those parts of the UK that have been "left behind" by globalisation. Meaningful devolution will be key in addressing these grievances.

This report presents the findings and key policy recommendations of a combined supply chain mapping exercise and Brexit exposure check of the transport manufacturing sector in the Midlands,funded by the West Midlands Combined Authority. These sectors consisted of automotive, rail and aerospace manufacturers and suppliers, for which 234 firms were surveyed between November 2019 and January 2020. Of these, 25 were exclusively involved in aerospace manufacture; 59 were exclusively involved in automotive manufacture; 3 were exclusively involved in non-auto road vehicles; 32 were exclusively involved in rail manufacture; 27 were mixed manufacturers and; 87 were freight/logistics firms. Key aspects examined in the mapping exercise included: value of automotive businesses in the West Midlands split by vehicle company clients and local authorities; divisions between tiers one and two, and logistics and suppliers, employment mix (UK/EU), major challenges faced by supply chain e.g.transport infrastructure and paperwork; import/export ratios, transport route dependency, and 'Brexit readiness'.