Suchergebnisse

It is too often assumed that the social legislation which has been hammered out in the British Parliament of the last two years is the product of some purely socialistic blue-print. In reality it is the culmination of a process dating back to the first decade of the twentieth century, which has been carried out by Liberal, then Conservative and now Socialist governments over the whole period from 1907 to 1947. Although there are differences of opinion on the timing of this process, and on many administrative and legislative details, the broad pattern of development has almost common acceptance. In its essence this pattern is simple. It is no less than the replacement of the Elizabethan Poor Law, with its emphasis on the relief of poverty, by a more modern structure of social legislation intended to ensure the freedom of the individual from the major evils of a modern industrial society. These evils have been aptly summarized by Sir William (now Lord) Beveridge: "physical Want, … Disease which often causes that Want and brings many other troubles in its train, … Ignorance which no democracy can afford among its citizens, … Squalor which arises mainly through the haphazard distribution of industry and population, and Idleness which destroys wealth and corrupts men, whether they are well fed or not, when they are idle."The accompanying table sets out the steps in this process of social change in the chronological sequence of the legislative measures by which it has been achieved. In order to prevent the confusion of over-elaborate detail, this tabulation gives only the major changes as they occurred. To have included, for example, the complete tally of unemployment insurance acts from 1911 to 1944 would have been unprofitable and would have obscured the issue.

AbstractMr. Cryer has thrice been clected mayor of Los Angels. Each reelection was in spite of the oppsoition of the leaders who first gave him to the city. Hydro‐electric power is practically the only issue.

Confederate General John H. Morgan writes to General Joseph E. Johnston to relate Morgan's conversation with Jefferson Davis, in which he requested restoration of his command. Morgan also mentions the possible expedition intended against Nashville. He informs Johnson of information, from an officer who had escaped from the Nashville Penitentiary, that claimed there would be no difficulty in accomplishing all intended in Nashville as there were no more than three hundred troops, "most of whom were negroes," dated April 3, 1864. ; https://digitalcommons.wofford.edu/littlejohnmss/1241/thumbnail.jpg

Signed permission by John Hunt Morgan for Lt. Churchill to be absent from camp for 21 days. Chattanooga, Tennessee. Dated June 11th, 1862. ; https://digitalcommons.wofford.edu/littlejohnmss/1233/thumbnail.jpg

Changes in the nature of knowledge production, plus rapid social and cultural change, have meant that the 'curriculum question' - what is to be taught, and by extension, 'whose knowledge' - has been hotly contested. The question of what to teach has become more and more controversial. This book asks: what is an appropriate curriculum response to the acute, renewed interest in issues of race and racism? How does a school subject like geography respond? The struggle over the school curriculum has frequently been portrayed as being between educational 'traditionalists' and 'progressives'. This book suggests a way out of this impasse. Drawing upon and extending insights from 'social realism', it explores what a Future 3 geography curriculum might look like - one that recognizes the importance of the academic discipline as a source of curriculum-making but at the same time avoids geographical knowledge becoming set in stone. The book focuses very sharply on issues of race and racism, enabling teachers to engage in curriculum making in geography that is racially literate.The Foreword is written by Julian Agyeman, a former geography teacher in the UK and now Professor of Urban and Environmental Policy and Planning at Tufts University, USA.

Throughout the early modern period, scientific debate and governmental action became increasingly preoccupied with the environment, generating discussion across Europe and the wider world as to how to improve land and climate for human benefit. This discourse eventually promoted the reconsideration of long-held beliefs about the role of climate in upholding the social order, driving economies and affecting public health. This book explores the relationship between cultural perceptions of the environment and practical attempts at environmental regulation and change between 1500 and 1800. Taking a cultural and intellectual approach to early modern environmental governance, this edited collection combines an interpretative perspective with new insights into a period largely unfamiliar to environmental historians. Using a rich and multifaceted narrative, this book offers an understanding as to how efforts to enhance productive aspects of the environment were both led by and contributed to new conceptualisations of the role of 'nature' in human society. It offers a cultural and intellectual approach to early modern environmental history and will be of special interest to environmental, cultural and intellectual historians, as well as anyone with an interest in the culture and politics of environmental governance

Cet article développe une histoire comparative des projets de drainage initiés par les États français et britannique entre les xviie et xviiie siècles. Il analyse aussi bien les représentations des zones humides, les moyens légaux mis en œuvre, que les mouvements sociaux au sein de ces espaces. Il montre que, jusqu'à la fin du xviie siècle, les projets de drainage mobilisent un ensemble de pratiques coloniales mues par une idéologie mercantiliste. Les résistances comme les échecs rencontrés ont, par la suite, conduit les deux monarchies à délaisser cette approche descendante au cours du xviiie siècle. La politique anglaise s'est toutefois libéralisée en mobilisant des acteurs locaux de manière plus précoce qu'en France où la logique coloniale a été poursuivie jusque dans les années 1760. --- This article explores the comparative history of state-driven drainage projects in early modern France and England. Analysing the representation of wetlands, the legal means by which drainage was achieved, and the movements of populations to newly drained areas, it shows that drainage projects embodied a set of colonial practices driven by a mercantilist ideology until the end of the seventeenth century. The experience of resistance and failure led both the French and English monarchies to pursue less top-down and colonial-style drainage projects in the eighteenth century, when their drainage policies diverged. England's drainage policy became more localised and liberalised earlier, while in France the colonial logic continued until the 1760s.